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The Emperor Hadrian 






Emperor Hadrian 

A Pidure of the 

Graeco- Roman World in his Time 


Ferdinand Gregorovius 

Translated by 

Mary E. Robinson 


Macmillan and Co., Limited 

New York : The Macmillan Company 


AU Hghii rturved 

^^ 7^^%.^^ 


MAR f ^ 1899 



This translation of Gregorovius* Life of Hadrian has been 

written in the hope that it may prove useful to the 

students of this period of Roman history. 

In publishing it I have to express my obligations to 

Professor Pelham for his valuable introduction ; to Mr. 

Herbert Fisher, Fellow of New College, Oxford, who 

kindly looked through my manuscript, and to whose 

encouragement the work is due ; and to Mr. Martin 

Trietschel, who has rendered me great assistance, especially 

with the notes and index. 



AiGBURTH, Liverpool, 
November, 1898. 


My first studies in the field of history were devoted to the 
age of the emperor Hadrian. Encouraged by the celebrated 
historian Drumann, I collected and published these studies 
in a book which appeared in Konigsberg in the year 185 1, 
under the rather ambitious title of History of the Roman 
Emperor Hadrian and his Time, This work soon became 
my guide to Rome, where I arrived in 1852. There, how- 
ever, I was enthralled, not by the ancient, but by the 
mediaeval genius of the Eternal City, and I gave the best 
work and the best years of my life to the study of the 
history of Rome in the Middle Ages. 

A generation has since then passed away — the most 
eventful period of our century — and I am not a little grati- 
fied to have found leisure to perform an act of piety toward 
the first-fruits of my youth by presenting my work in a new 

This undertaking was, in the first instance, suggested by 
my travels in Greece and in the East, where I frequently 
followed the footsteps of the great world-traveller Hadrian. 
Another reason was, that since the appearance of my mono- 
graph, this remarkable ruler has not found another biographer 
either in Germany or abroad. But the ceaseless researches 
of science have produced new documentary evidence, and the 

viii Preface 

fresh light thus thrown on this epoch of Roman history has 
tended to fill the gaps in the hitherto very fragmentary 
accounts of the life of Hadrian. 

With the help of this evidence, especially of the inscrip- 
tions, I have rewritten my first work, so thoroughly indeed 
that little more than the plan has been preserved. I now 
call these studies A Picture of the Graeco-Roinan World in 
the Time of Hadrian^ although I am afraid that this title is 
still too ambitious. In view of the scanty notice which, 
generally speaking, the history of the emperors subsequent 
to the twelve Caesars still receives — and this is not sur- 
prising — I venture to think that every serious attempt at its 
elucidation will meet with the sympathy of all lovers of 


Munich, November, 1883. 





An Ancient Portrait of Hadrian. i 


Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian until the Accession of 

Trajan. 6 

Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian during the Reign of Trajan. 1 1 


Hadrian accompanies the Emperor in the Parthian War. Rising 
of the Jews. Lusius Quietus. Death of Trajan and Adoption 
of Hadrian. i6 


Hadrian gives up the lately acquired Provinces of Trajan. The 

State of Judaea. Fall of Lusius Quietus. .... 23 


Return of Hadrian to Rome by way of Illyricum. War with the 
RoxolanL Arrangement of Affairs in Pannonia and Dacia. 
Conspiracy and Execution of the Four Consulars. Arrival 
of Hadrian in Rome in August 118 A.D. .... jo 


X Contents 


Hadrian's First Acts in Rome. The Great Remission of Debt 
The Third Consulate of the Emperor. Fall of Attianus. 
Marcius Turbo becomes Prefect Death of Matidia Augusta. 
The Paliliaof theyear 121 A.D. 37 


General Remarks on Hadrian's Journeys. Coins which com- 
memorate them. 45 


Hadrian's Journeys into Gaul and Germany as far as the Danubian 

Provinces. The Condition of these Countries. ... 53 


Hadrian in Britain. He goes through Gaul to Spain and Maure- 

tania. 60 


Hadrian's First Journey to the East The Countries on the 

Pontus. Ilium. Pergamum. Cyzicus. Rhodes. • - 67 


Hadrian's Residence in Athens and in other cities of Greece. 

Return of the Emperor to Rome by way of Sicily. - - 77 


Hadrian in Rome. The Title Pater Patriae. The Emperor goes 

to Africa. Condition of this Province. Carthage. Lambaesis. 87 


Second Journey to the East Hadrian in Athens and Eleusis. 

Journey to Asia. Ephesus. Smyrna. Sardis. - - - 93 


Hadrian in Syria. Antioch. Phoenicia. Heliopolis. Damascus. 

Palmyra. 104 

Contents xi 



Hadrian in Judaea. Condition of Jerusalem. Foundation of the 
Colony Aelia Capitolina. Hadrian in Arabia. Bostra. Petra. 
The Country of Peraea. Gaza. Pelusium. - - - - 1 1 1 


Hadrian in Egypt Condition of the Country. Alexandria. 
Letter of Hadrian to Servianus. Influence of Egypt and 
Alexandria on the West. 120 


Hadrian's Journey on the Nile. Heliopolis. Death of Anttnous. 
Thebes. The Colossus of Memnon. Coptus. Myus Hormus. 
Mons Claudianus. Return to Alexandria. - - - - 128 


Hadrian returns from Egypt to Syria. He revisits Athens. Dedi- 
cation of the Olympieum. Hadrian's divine Honours. • - 138 

The Rising of the Jews under Barcocheba. - - - • 143 


The Jewish War. Julius Severus assumes the Command of the 
Roman Army. The Fall of Bether. The Destruction of 
Judaea. 150 

The Colony Aelia Capitolina. 159 

The War with the Alani. Arrian's Periplus of the Black Sea. 165 


Hadrian's Last Years in Rome. Death of Sabina Augusta. 

Adoption and Death of Aelius Verus. 173 

ion of Antoninus. Death of the Emperor Hadrian.- 181 

xii Contents 




The Roman Empire. 191 


The Provinces of the Empire, their Government and their Relation 
to the Central Power. The Peaceful Development of their 
Civilization. Slavery. 19S 

Cities. Municipia. Colonies. - - - - - - - 206 

Italy and Rome. 211 


The Equestrian Order. The Senate and the Princeps. The 

Imperial Cabinet. 216 


Roman Law. The Edictum Perpetuum. The Respoma, Roman 
Jurists. The Resolutions of the Senate and the Imperial 
Constitutions. The Reforming Spirit of Hadrian's Legisla- 
tion. 226 


Science and the Learned Professions. Latin and Greek Litera- 
ture. The Schools. Athens. Smyrna. Alexandria. Rome. 234 


Plutarch. Arrian. The Tactica, Philo of Byblus. Appian. 

Phlegon. Hadrian's Memoirs. 243 

Floras. Suetonius. Geography. Philology. - - - - 250 

Contents xiii 



The Schools of Roman Oratory. Roman Orators. Cornelius 

Fronto. 253 


Greek Sophistry. Favorinus. Dionysius of Miletus. Polemon. 

Herodes Atticus and other Sophists. 260 


Polite Literature. Hadrian as a Poet. Florus. Latin Poets. 
Greek Poets. Pancrates. Mesomedes. The Musician 
Dionysius of Halicamassus. Greek Epigrams of Hadrian. 
Phlegon. Artemidorus and His Dream Books. The 
Romance of the Golden Ass. 273 


Philosophy. The Stoa. Epictetus and the Enchiridion, Stoicism 

and Cynicism. Demonax of Athens. 282 

Peregrinus Proteus. 290 

Alexander of Abonotichus. 294 


Oracles. Plutarch their Apologist Hadrian's Mysticism. The 

Deification of A ntinous. 301 

Attempts to Restore Paganism. Plutarch and Lucian. - - 313 


The Spread of Christianity. The Christian Religion a Religio 
Illiciia, Hadrian's Toleration of the Christians. Rescript 
of Hadrian to the Proconsul Fundanus. The Christian 
Apologists. 322 

xiv Contents 


Art among the Romans. Hadrian's Relation to Art Activity of 

Art in the Empire. Greek Artists in Rome. Character of 

the Art of Hadrian's Age. 332 


The Progress and Production of Art Furniture. Gems. Medals. 
Precious Stones. Paintings. Portraits in Marble. Historical 
Relievo. 339 


^/ Ideal Sculpture. Its Cosmopolitan Character. Imitation of 
/\ Ancient Masterpieces. Review of the Works of Art found in 

Hadrian's Villa. The Statues of Antinous. .... 346 


Architecture. Munificent Civic Spirit of the Cities. Hadrian's 
Love of Building. Antinoe. Roads to Berenice. Other 
Buildings in Egypt The Temple at Cyzicus. - - • 354 


Buildings of Hadrian in Athens and in other Cities of Greece. 

Buildings of H erodes Atticus. 360 


Hadrian's Buildings in Italy. His Villa at Tivoli. . - - 366 


The City of Rome in Hadrian's Time. Buildings of the Em. 
peror in Rome. Completion of the Forum of Trajan. The 
Temple of Venus and Rome. Hadrian's Tomb. - - • 373 

Bibliography. - - - 382 

Index. 403 


Those who are familiar with the late Ferdinand Gregor- 
ovius' essay on Hadrian, will not think any apology 
necessary for this translation into English of an eminently 
readable, and, on the whole, adequate account of one 
of the most interesting personages in ancient history. 
Gregorovius, though not a historian of the first order, was 
an accomplished man of letters, and a genuine lover of 
Rome and of things Roman. Moreover, his book still 
possesses the claim to attention urged by the author him- 
self in his preface to the edition of 1883. Hadrian has 
not yet "found another biographer either in Germany or 
abroad," and even to the educated public he is a far less 
familiar figure than many men of infinitely less importance 
in history. 

Gregorovius would have been the last to claim for his 
essay that it said the final word on Hadrian, and it must 
be confessed that his work is not all equally good. He 
is at his best in the chapters which describe the general 
culture, the literary, philosophic, and artistic movements 
of the day. He is weakest when dealing with the political 
history, and with the many technicalities of Roman admini- 
stration. Here his grasp of the situation is less sure, and 
his use of technical terms not always correct 

But I am writing a brief introduction, not a review, 
and I will content myself with one more criticism, which 
indeed applies to other accounts of Hadrian besides that 
which is now in question. Gregorovius reproduces with 
much skill and fidelity the most familiar aspects of the 
emperor, as the restless traveller, the indefatigable con- 
noisseur and collector, the patron of learning and the 

xvi Introduction 

arts. We are allowed to see, too, that he was an admini- 
strator of ubiquitous activity, with whose name a number 
of changes in the machinery and methods of government 
are associated. What we miss is some account of the 
master-idea which shaped Hadrian's policy, and gave unity 
to a career and a character full of apparent inconsistencies. 

The omission is due partly to the nature of our evidence. 
Until comparatively recent times students of Hadrian were 
forced to rely mainly on the rather meagre literary tradi- 
tion preserved in the biography of Spartianus, in the 
excerpts from Dion Cassius, and in Aurelius Victor. It 
is only within the last twenty or thirty years that the 
" ceaseless researches of science " have not merely produced 
new evidence, but in doing so have rendered intelligible 
much that was before difficult to understand. One result 
has been to place in our hands the clue to Hadrian's 
policy as ruler of the empire, and to enable us to gauge 
more correctly the direction of his aims and the importance 
of his achievements. 

Hadrian has unquestionably suffered in general reputa- 
tion by the fate which placed him bet\veeen two such 
commanding figures as Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. By 
the side of the former, Hadrian appeared timid and common- 
place. As Trajan became the ideal Roman soldier, Hadrian 
was represented as the peace-loving scholar who, in tastes 
and pursuits, was more Greek than Roman. Yet Hadrian 
was every inch a soldier, deeply versed in both the theory 
and the practice of the art of war ; and if he was a lover 
of Greeks and Greek civilization, he was also an admirer 
of old Roman writers and fashions. On the other hand, 
Marcus Aurelius justly ranks above him as a man, and 
holds a place in literature, and in the history of human 
thought, to which Hadrian has no claim. 

But viewed as a statesman, as the ruler of a great empire, 
Hadrian stands higher than either Trajan or Marcus. He 
is more truly representative of his time, and he left a 
deeper mark upon it Above all, it was he and not they 
who shaped the policy of the empire, and shaped it in 
accordance with ideas which, if not new, were first clearly 
conceived and effectively carried out by him. 

Introduction xvii 

For Hadrian's policy was not the result of a scholar's 
love of peace, or of cosmopolitan tastes, or even of mere 
restlessness. It was directed by one dominant idea, the 
influence of which is everywhere traceable. This master 
idea was, to use a modern expression, the imperial idea 
{Reichsidee) — the conception of the empire, as a single 
well-compacted state, internally homogeneous, and standing 
out in clear relief against surrounding barbarism. The 
realization of this conception was the object for which 
Hadrian laboured. If he refused to follow Trajan in his 
forward policy, it was not from timidity, or, as Gregorovius 
seems to think, from a scholarly love of peace and quiet 
Indeed, as I have hinted, the contrast so often drawn 
between Trajan the man of war and Hadrian the man of 
peace, the Romulus and Numa of the second century, is 
somewhat misleading. Hadrian was anxious for peace, not 
in order to secure leisure for peaceful pursuits, but because 
the empire needed it, and he abandoned a policy of con- 
quest, in the conviction that the empire had reached its 
natural limits, and required not expansion but consolidation. 

In this belief he set himself to give the empire, what 
it had only imperfectly possessed before, definite and well- 
marked frontiers. The lines of demarcation which thus 
"separated the barbarians" from Roman territory he pro- 
tected by a system of frontier defences, which was no 
doubt developed by his successors, but the idea and plan 
of which were unquestionably his; and to hold these 
defences he maintained a frontier force, the efficiency of 
which was his constant care. We are too apt, in thinking 
of Hadrian's travels, to picture them only as the restless 
wanderings of a connoisseur from one famous site to another 
in the peaceful provinces of the interior, and to forget how 
large a portion of his time was spent, not in Athens or 
Smyrna, but in reviewing the troops and inspecting the 
stations along the whole line of the imperial frontier. 

This frontier policy of precise delimitation and vigilant 
defence, he supplemented within the empire by a policy of 
consolidation. When Hadrian assumed the command, the 
old theory of the empire as a federation of distinct com- 
munities in alliances with, and under the protectorate of 

xviii Introduction 

Rome, was rapidly losing ground. The difTerences in 
race and language, in habits of life, and modes of thought, 
which had formerly justified and even necessitated it, were 
fast disappearing. The titles and distinctions which had 
once implied not only a desire for political independence, 
but a partial possession of it were becoming mere phrases. 
Even the " freedom " of a free community could be ridiculed 
with impunity by a popular orator, and the native state, with 
its native ruler, was, except in a few outlying corners of the 
empire, a thing of the past. The idea of a single Roman 
state was in the air, and Hadrian gave effect to it with singular 
skill and perseverance. His cosmopolitanism was in reality 
imperialism, and sprung from his desire to stamp everything 
with the imperial mark, and to utilize everything for the 
benefit of the empire. He was a Phil-Hellenist, not merely 
from sentiment, but from the conviction that Latins, Greeks, 
and even barbarians had all something to contribute to the 
common service. The man who appointed the Greek 
Arrian to the command of Roman legions, and of a Roman 
frontier province, was noted equally for his careful study of 
old Roman tactics and for his liberal adoption of barbarian 

In other departments of his administration the influence of 
this dominant idea of imperial unity are as plainly seen. He 
was liberal in granting the Roman franchise. He encouraged 
the diffusion over the empire of municipalities modelled on 
the Roman pattern. The imperial civil service was developed 
and enlarged, and the old distinction, once so earnestly 
maintained between the public service of the state and the 
private service of Caesar, is scarcely heard of after the reign 
of Hadrian. 

Between the time of Augustus and that of Diocletian 
there was no emperor who so correctly appreciated the 
needs of the empire, or who carried into practice with equal 
consistency a deliberate and comprehensive policy. 






An Ancient Portrait of Hadrian 

A Roman historian of the second half of the fourth 
century has drawn the following picture of the Emperor 
Hadrian : 

"Aelius Hadrianus was of Italian origin. His father, who 
bore the same name, was a cousin of Trajan, and was bom 
at Adria in Picenum, the place which gave its name to the 
Adriatic Sea. He reigned twenty-two years. He was so 
thoroughly familiar with Greek literature that he was called 
* the little Greek.* He had completely adopted the studies, 
the manner of life, the language, and the whole culture of the 
Athenians. He was a singer and musician, a physician, a 
geometrician, a painter, and a sculptor in bronze and marble, 
almost a second Polycletus and Euphranor. He was accom- 
plished in all these arts. A 6fl esprit of so brilliant a 
character has not often been seen among men. His memory 
was prodigious. Places, actions, soldiers, absentees even, he 
knew them all by name. His endurance was superhuman. 
He travelled on foot through all the provinces, outstripping 
his attendants. He restored the cities in the empire and 
increased their importance. Smiths, carpenters, masons, 
architects, and all kinds of workmen, he divided into cohorts 
like legions, for the purpose of building fortresses and beauti- 
fying the cities. He was never the same : a many-sided 
man, a bom mler in vice as well as in virtue. He mled 
his inclinations by a certain ingenuity. He artfully con- 
cealed the envy, ill-humour, extravagance, and audacious 
egotism of his nature, and feigned moderation, affability 


2 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

and benignity, while hiding the thirst for fame with 
which he was consumed. No one was so ready to challenge 
or to answer others, either in jest or earnest He instantly 
capped verse with verse, witty sallies with others as witty, 
as if he had prepared them beforehand. He obtained peace 
from many kings by secret favours, and openly boasted that, 
by his inactivity, he had gained more than others by war. 

" He gave the offices of the state and of the court, and 
even of the army, the form which still obtains at the present 
day, with the slight exception of the changes introduced 
by Constantine. He lived 62 years. His end was dis- 
tressing. Racked by terrible pains in all his limbs, he 
often besought his most faithful servants to put him to 
death. He was sedulously watched by those dearest to 
him, in order that he might not commit suicide." 

I have placed this portrait at the beginning like a 
copper-plate engraving. It is ascribed to Aurelius Victor. 
It is clumsy and inadequate, but not without life, and it 
is at all events the only condensed portrait of the emperor 
which has come down to us from ancient times.^ On the 
whole this sketch conveys the average verdict of Roman 
posterit>' on Hadrian, and but shortly after his death the 
most opposite opinions of him prevailed. His biographer 
Spartianus, who wrote in the time of Diocletian, has knit 
together both views without expressing his own opinion. 
His Life of Hadrian is the main authority for the history 
of this emperor, together with the extracts which the 
Byzantine monk Xiphilinus made in the eleventh century 
from the historical works of Dion Cassius. 

There are traits in the emperor's character concerning 
which there is no doubt : his Greek culture, his versa- 
tility, his Proteus-like nature, his thirst for knowledge, his 
enthusiasm for art ; then come his restless love of travel- 
ling, and his wisdom in the administration of the empire. 

The modem view of history is, that the reign of Hadrian 
was the beginning of an age which has been named after 

^Aurelius Victor, Epitome 14. I have omitted but little, and nothing 
that is essential to Hadrian. This part of the epitome is not original, 
but probably borrowed from Marius Maximus. — ^Teuffel, Geschichte der 
rom. Liter, 5th ed., p. 967 sq. (§414). 

CHAP. I] His Portrait 3 

the Antonines, whom he had chosen to be his successors. 
It has been extolled as the happiest period of the Roman 
empire, if not of the world. It shines more brightly from 
the union of Greek and Roman culture, which it diffused 
throughout the peaceful empire, than from the contrast it 
presents to the dark shadows that surround it As we 
look back we see the dark shadow of the excessive tyranny 
of the Caesars of the first century, — as we look at the 
succeeding age, we see the shadow of the barbarians by 
whom Rome is to be destroyed. 

After the time of Nerva, despots had disappeared from 
the throne of the Caesars. Their mad outbreaks had shaken 
the foundations of Roman society and the structure of the 
state, but Roman virtus is re-established by the help of Stoic 
philosophy, and the Roman empire attains an overwhelming 
force, whose brilliancy conceals the chronic internal disease 
from which it dies a lingering death. After the death of 
Trajan, thirty legions, stationed on the borders of the empire, 
secure the peace of the world. The provinces have become 
accustomed to the dominion of Rome. Their cities are once 
more flourishing, and are adorned with the beauty of Greek 
art The sciences awake in a renaissance of Hellenism, and 
the Christian religion comes more prominently forward. A 
spirit of humanity is diffused throughout the world that was 
changing so rapidly. Civil legislation becomes more philo- 
sophic and more humane. The privileges of the aristocracy 
disappear. The people, the slaves, and the poor, become 
objects for the care of the government The barriers of the 
old theory of life fall before the morality of the Stoic. The 
conception of the nation widens in the Roman empire into 
the conception of humanity. The provinces in which 
Octavianus had erected the altar of the genius of Rome as 
symbol of their subjection, demand their equal rights with 
this terrible Rome, which had conquered and enslaved them 
by force of arms. The Roman empire is a confederation of 
peoples whose culture is fostered by the majestic flow of the 
two languages of the world. Like the nations, the ancient 
systems of thought and religion are fused in one cosmopolitan 
union. But a union of this kind is the cause of a restless 
uncertainty in many minds, making them more of a prey 

4 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

than • ever to the delusions of mystery and the gloom of 
superstition. So glaring are the contradictions in this world- 
wide civilization of the empire, that this period between 
Antiquity and Christianity may be called a Roman-Hellenic 
middle age. 

Hadrian in himself also unites two natures. He is both 
Roman and Greek. His artistic soul delights in the ideals 
of beauty of the ancient world. He wishes to restore them 
as far as it is possible for art to do so. At the same time, 
as a Roman, he refprms the institutions of the monarchy, — the 
government, the army, and the law. He lays the foundations 
of a state that will suit an altered society. The empire 
under him reaches the zenith of its greatness, and he revels, 
as a comprehensive mind would, in the fulness of its culture. 
Conquests he does not seek. He gives the provinces acquired 
by Trajan back to the Parthians. Wars he does not 
wage. Mars rests unconcerned amid his preparations, and 
yet he never appeared more formidable to the enemies of 

Hadrian's task is to keep the Roman empire together as 
a powerful monarchy, and to adorn it with knowledge^ 
humanity, and beauty. On his coins are the words, "Golden 
age" and " Enricher of the world," — flatteries of the senate 
not destitute of truth. He himself is the mirror of his time 
in good and evil, in virtue and vice. His enigmatic person- 
ality is of more human interest and is more attractive as a 
study, than that of the philosophic Antonines. He directed 
the current of his time, and impressed it less with his 
powerful will, than with his genial, though often eccentric 
and theatrical, temperament. 

Hadrian was the first to bring both halves of the ancient 
world, Greece and Rome, into closer intellectual contact. 
Their fusion was impossible, but their universal connection 
in the second century was a factor of vital importance in the 
growth of the Christian idea. Antiquity made room for this 
idea, while it had itself become ripe for death. But it cast 
a halo of departing glory under this gifted sophist on the 
throne of the Caesars. Hadrian it was who restored Athens, 
and finished the temple of the Olympian Zeus, which had 

^ Dion Cassius, Ixix. : n^ re yhp wApnaiifv^v airoO 6p&irrtt — o^h ^i^c^x/m^cu'*^ 

cHAiM] His Portrait 5 

been b^^n by Pisistratus. He it was who made Greek 
oratory blossom afresh, and who called upon the arts to 
adorn the world with their richest beauty. When the artistic 
fire, which he had kindled on the altar of the genius of 
Hellas, was extinguished, the world became flat and insipid. It 
was first Stoic, then Christian. Hadrian, however, accom- 
plished the apotheosis of antiquity. 


Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian until the 

Accession of Trajan 

The ancestors of Publius Aelius Hadrianus are said to 
have left Hadria to settle at Italica in Spain, in the time 
of the Scipios. Scipio had founded this city of the province 
of Baetica in the second Punic war, and Augustus first 
made it into a municipium. It flourished greatly, and 
became an important place. It gave two famous men 
to the empire, Trajan and Hadrian. Its ruins are still 
to be seen at Santiponce, a short distance from Seville. 
Hadrian's ancestors lived there in comfortable circumstances. 
They belonged to the Roman tribe Sergia.* 

Hadrian was born on the 24th January, 76 A.D., in 
Rome, when Vespasian was emperor. His father was 
P. Aelius Hadrianus Afer, a distinguished man of senatorial 
rank, and a cousin of Trajan. His mother, Domitia Paulina^ 
came from Gades, the modern Cadiz. Of his brothers 
and sisters, none are known by name except Paulina, who 
married L. Julius Ursus Servianus. 

In his tenth year Hadrian lost his father, and became 
a ward of the knight Caelius Attianus, and of the ex- 
praetor Trajan. In this way, the fact of relationship and 
guardianship brought him into close connection with the 
fortunes of a future emperor. The boy was educated in 
the schools of Rome. His brilliantly gifted mind was 

inscriptions of the Aelii, Corp, Inscr, Latin, ii., 11 30, 11 38, 1139. 
The famous inscription on the base of the statue of Hadrian in the 
theatre of Athens records him as belonging to the Tribus Sergia. 
Henzen, AnncUi delP Inst.^ 1862, p. 139. CI.L, iii., part I., 550. 

BK.i. cH.ii] To the Accession of Trajan 





< a- 







J a 








8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

especially attracted by Greek literature, and, in its favour, 
he neglected the Latin tongue The nickname of " Little 
Grecian " was given to him. Whether he studied in Athens 
as well, is uncertain and improbable ; for in his fifteenth 
year he went home to Spain, where he took service in 
the army.^ His guardian, Trajan, soon recalled him to 
Rome, not only because he had given himself up immoder- 
ately to the pleasures of the chase, but chiefly, no doubt, 
on account of his extravagance and dissipation. 

The chase was one of his greatest passions. As a 
vigorous pedestrian, as well as a hunter, he found few to 
equal him. Even when emperor, he would kill lions 
from the saddle. He had an accident while hunting, and 
broke his collar-bone and one of his ribs.' 

The passions of youth did not destroy Hadrian's ardent 
thirst for knowledge. This he could gratify in Rome, the 
home of all learning. Here he studied among learned 
men and poets ; here he painted and carved in the 
studios of artists. With no branch of knowledge did he 
remain unacquainted' A young man glowing with life, a 
well-informed companion, he must have been much sought 
after in the best circles of Rome, and must especially have 
won the favour of the highly cultivated ladies of Trajan's 
house, — Marciana, Plotina, and Matidia. 

But the happy times of the Flavian Emperors, Vespasian 
and Titus, passed by, and the appearance of a brutal 
despot, Domitian, once more cast a gloom over the 
Roman world. It was then that Hadrian learned to abhor 
tyranny, as under this oppression he began his career of 
office, every step of which he painfully mounted. He 
first became judge in the year 93 A.D., over a court for 
private cases, and he subsequently filled some other offices 
of small importance ; then he became tribune of the 
Hnd legion Adjutrix, which had been raised by 
Vespasian, and which was probably stationed in Britain 
at the time.* 

^Spart. Ki/o, c. 2. "Spart c. 26. 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3 : koI yiip IrXao-^c ical typa^ koX o^v 5 re odir tlpn^iK^p 

^Henzen, Annali delP Insi.^ 1862, p. 145. 

CHAP. II] To the Accession of Trajan 9 

Domitian perished on the 1 8th September 96 A.D. by the 
daggers of conspirators, who raised the noble senator, 
Cocceius Nerva to the throne. A new age began for man- 
kind. Imperial lawsuits were stopped, prisons were opened, 
and exiles were recalled. Things once irreconcileable, 
sovereignty and freedom, were, in the opinion of Tacitus, 
blended by Ncrva.* A god then inspired this emperor, who 
was oppressed both by the Praetorians and the populace 
of Rome, to perform the only great act of his reign : he 
adopted Trajan. At the same time the lucky star of 
Hadrian became visible above the horizon. 

He was then military tribune in the Vth legion Macedonica 
in Lower Moesia. From there he was sent (97 A.D.) to con- 
vey the congratulations of the army of the Danube to Trajan, 
who was governing Upper Germany as consular legate. 
Trajan kept him near his own person as tribune to the 
XXIInd legion. The emperor- designate seems to have 
assumed the government of the whole of Germany, while 
Servianus, Hadrian's brother-in-law, became legate in Upper 
Germany in his place.* 

Meanwhile Nerva died on the 27th January 98 A.D.,and the 
first provincial was now to mount the throne of the empire. 
He was a citizen of that Spanish Italica, which was Hadrian's 
birthplace. Hadrian hurried to Cologne, where Trajan was 
at the time, in order to be the first to bring him the great 
news. But his brother-in-law did his best to detain him on 
his journey, taking secret means to make his carriage break 
down ; whereupon Hadrian, who was a good runner, quickly 
resolved to continue his journey on foot to Cologne, and 
overtook the messengers sent by his brother-in-law. Servianus 
was a serious man, to whom the versatility of his brother-in- 
law was not congenial. He immediately laid before the new 
emperor the not inconsiderable list of debts of the young 
spendthrift' He was probably ambitious and envious of the 

* Tacitus, Agricola^ c. 3. 

•Hcnien, Annali delP Inst.^ 1862, p. 147; J oh. Dierauer, Beiiraege tu 
einer krit, Gtsck. Trajar^s^ voL i., p. 29; Pliny {Ep, viii. 23) calls 
Servianus '^exacttssimus vir." 

'Qui et sumptibus et aere alieno ejus prodito Traiani odium in eum 
immt — Spart c. 2. 

lo The Emperor Hadrian [bk i, cu. n 

favour shown by Trajan to Hadrian. But one day in old 
age, he was to atope for his ambition by death. 

Hadrian only gained Trajan's goodwill slowly, and was 
indebted chiefly for it to the empress, who had at that time 
been calumniated in a scandalous manner. Apart even from 
the formal praise of her in Pliny's Panegyricus^ there is 
everything to show that Pompeia Plotina was a woman of 
true nobih'ty. When she first entered the palace of the 
Caesars as empress, she turned round on the steps, and, 
addressing the populace, said : *' May I be the same when I 
leave this palace, as I am to-day when I enter it." As 
empress she deserved no reproach.* The strength of her 
character can be seen to-day in busts, which show a face of 
earnest and almost unapproachable gravity. 

The new emperor remained for some time at his important 
post in Germany, and, only in the second half of the year 99 
A.D., did he come to Rome, accompanied probably by his 
cousin. It soon became clear that Hadrian knew how to 
overcome his adversaries, and to gain the confidence of 
Trajan. For, about the year 100 A.D., persuaded by Plotina 
and her friend Sura, Trajan gave him to wife Sabina, grand- 
child of his sister Marciana, whose daughter Matidia had 
married L. Vibius Sabinus. In this way Hadrian became 
doubly related to Trajan.* We are not told that Sabina ever 
shared her husband's intellectual tastes, and he appears not 
to have been fond of her. She must at the time of her 
marriage have been very young.' 

^ Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 5. Yet elsewhere (Ixix. i and 10) he speaks 
in a scandalous manner of the favours shown by Plotina to Hadrian, ik 
ipuTucijt ^Xidt. — Pliny, Paneg.^ c. 83. 

'See the genealogical table in Dierauer and in J. Centerwall, Sfiari, vita 
Hadriani comment, illustrata in Upsala Universitets-Arsskri/t^ Ups. 
1869, vol. L, p. 27. 

' Mommsen (Abhandl, der Berl, Akadem,^ 1863. Grabrede des Kaisef^s 
Hadrian au/die dltere Matidia^ p. 483) remarks, in the genealogical table 
on Sabina, that she was born at the latest in 88 A.D. 


Circumstances in the Life of Hadrian during the Reign 

of Trajan 

In Rome Hadrian had now every opportunity of satisfying 
his thirst for knowledge. A new life had begun since Nerva 
had removed the load of despotism from the empire. 
Tacitus greeted the change with joy.* The letters of the 
younger Ph'ny to his friends tell us of the number of culti- 
vated men in Rome, and of the energy which was displayed 
in every department of knowledge. Among Hadrian's per- 
sonal friends were the last famous authors of Latin literature, 
who were giving up the field to the Greeks, Juvenal and 
Martial, Statius and Silius Italicus, the last, it appears, being 
a fellow-citizen from Italica. The great Tacitus, after the 
death of his step- father Agricola in 93 A.D., was again living 
in Rome, busy with the completion of his literary works, 
and it was here that he wrote his Gemtania in the year 
98 A.D. He probably survived Hadrian's ascent of the 
throne, and it is natural to suppose that Hadrian would early 
seek the friendship of such a man.* 

Whenever Hadrian was in Rome he frequented the society 
of the foremost men of intellect, such as Caninius Rufus, 
Augurinus, Spurinna, Calpurnius Piso, Sossius Senecio, and 
Arrius Antoninus. He made friends with the historian 
Suetonius, and with the Poet Florus. He listened to the 

* Tacitus, Agricoloy c. 3 : Nunc demum redit animus : ct quamquam, 
primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu, Nerva Caesar res olim dissociabiles 
miscuerit principatum ac libertatem.... 

■The death of Tacitus is placed between 1 17 A.D. and 120 a.d. Teuffel, 
GisckichU dir rbtn. Liter, p. 765. 

12 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

orators Quintilian, a Spaniard by birth, and Dion Chry- 
sostom, who, banished by Domitian, returned to Rome as a 
friend of Nerva and then of Trajan, and died there in 
117 A.D. He also became acquainted with the noble 
Plutarch, when the latter gave lectures in Rome in the time 
of Domitian. 

Art attracted Hadrian as much as literature, and under the 
rule of Trajan it blossomed into fresh life. He was an 
enthusiast for art from his youth, and subsequently he took a 
warm interest in the magnificent schemes of Trajan, which 
were executed by the architect Apollodorus, a Greek from 
Damascus. An anecdote has been preserved that one day 
Hadrian interrupted a conversation between this great man 
and the Emperor Trajan over a building plan, and that the 
architect ironically said to him '* Go and paint pumpkins, for 
you understand nothing of these things."* This anecdote 
throws a light not only on the artistic tastes of Hadrian, who 
was then painting still life, but on his familiarity with Trajan's 
building schemes, and on the professional pride of Apollodorus, 
the Bramante or Michael -Angelo of his time. 

In the year 10 1 A.D. the office of quaestor was bestowed 
upon Hadrian. This was a step upwards in his career, as well 
as in the favour of Trajan ; for he now became attached to 
the person of the emperor, whose speeches he had to read to 
the senate. As his Spanish accent was laughed at, he took 
great pains to improve it, and soon made himself perfect in 
the Latin tongue.' This happy youthful time, full of work 
and enjoyment, came to an end for Hadrian in this same 
year (loi A.D.), when Trajan entered upon a new period in 
his reign, a period of wars and conquests. The Dacians from 
whom he had refused to take the tribute accepted by Domitian, 
made inroads into the Roman territory, and Trajan set out 
from Rome to chastise them. Hadrian accompanied him in 
the first war, distinguishing himself so much that he twice 
received military marks of honour.' 

* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4. 

' Spart. VitUy c. 3 : cum orationem imperatoris in senatu agrestius pro- 
nuntians rissus esset, usque ad summam peritiam et facundiam Latinis 
operam dedit. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3 : 0<J<r€i d# 4n\h\cyot i» iKaripq, rf 7X1^^9. 

'The inscription on the Athenian pediment calls him *' Comes Expedi- 

CHAP. Ill] During the Reign of Trajan 13 

On his return to Rome after this victorious expedition 
he was made curator of the acts of the senate, then tribune 
of the people in 105 A.D. He held this last office for 
a few months only, as he was obliged to accompany the 
emperor in the second Dacian war, where he commanded 
as legate the 1st legion Minervia.^ The expedition ended 
with the conquest of Dacia, whose courageous king Decebalus, 
committed suicide. Hadrian had led his legion with bravery 
and ability, and had probably shown a talent for command, 
which had hardly been expected of him.* 

In token of his satisfaction Trajan sent him a diamond 
ring which he himself had received from Nerva on his 
adoption, and this mark of distinction gave to the favourite 
the first well-founded hope of a brilliant future. 

While still absent at the war he was made praetor, and \ 
in that capacity, on his return from the Danube, he gave ' 
games to the people at the emperor's expense, in 106 
A.D., while the emperor himself celebrated his Dacian 
triumph, with an expenditure that recalled the times of 
Domitian. The festivities, which lasted for one hundred 
and twenty-three days, during which eleven thousand wild 
animals were hunted, and ten thousand gladiators bled in 
the arena, must have given Hadrian food for reflection. It 
was an example that, as emperor, he never imitated. 

Trajan immediately appointed him praetorian legate of 
Lower Pannonia. He was thus to govern a great province, 
and to give proof that he was qualified for the highest 
offices of state. This he did to the complete satisfaction of 
the emperor, for he kept the Sarmatians in check, and 
gained so much reputation by his military discipline and 
severity towards the procurators, that in 108 A.D., he received 
the dignity of the consulship.* 

tionis Dacicae " with which it connects the quaestorship. For this cursus 
konomm see the Comment, of Henzen, who takes the relation of Hadrian 
to the emperor to be that of an adjutant ; also Mommsen, C.I.L, iii., n. 550. 

' Rorghesi, CEtnfreSy ii. 202, and the Athenian inscription. For the 
second Dacian war see La Berge, Essai stir la rlgne de Trajan^ p. 48 sq, 

• Spart. c. 3 : quando quidem multa egregia ejus facta claruerunt. 

•With M. Trebatius Priscus, only as suffectus. The inscription of the 
Fasti Feriar. Latinar. C.I.L, vi., 2016, fixes the date for the year 108 A.D. 

14 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

After this he was looked upon as the probable successor 
to the childless Trajan, who already appears to have thought 
of adopting him.^ On the death of his patron, L. Licinius 
Sura, adjutant-general of the emperor, which occurred at 
this time, the office was bestowed upon Hadrian. Trajan 
gave him many proofs of his confidence, the empress Plotina 
favoured him, and powerful friends, such as the senators 
Sosius Papus and Plotorius Nepos, the knight Livianus and 
his former guardian Attianus, endeavoured to promote his 
advancement. But he had many enemies, among whom 
were Celsus, Nigrinus, Palma, and Lusius Quietus, famous 
statesmen and generals of Trajan. Hadrian had pursued 
the usual civil and military career which led to the highest 
offices of state ; in the field he had won respect, he had 
commanded a legion with distinction, and he had governed 
a troublesome province with wisdom. It was a great age 
in which Hadrian's qualities as a ruler were developed, just 
as the sovereign whom Hadrian served, and whose actions 
he had the opportunity of narrowly observing, was a great 
man. Hadrian was surrounded by a crowd of distinguished 
men, whom Trajan's reign had called forth. 

The empty regime of mad self-interest which the caprice 
•of despots had substituted for statecraft, had been swept 
away by the strong current of political feeling which this 
ruler had awakened. The spirit of Rome again made itself 
felt triumphantly through the world as in the days of Julius 
Caesar and Octavianus. Rome shone by the fame of her 
arms over foreign nations, but her strength was accompanied 
by the spirit of a wise government which embraced the 
world, while the freedom of the citizen was preserved. 
Never had the sway of Rome extended farther; Trajan had 
subjugated the Sarmatian Danube, had destroyed the empire 
of Decebalus, and had turned Dacia into a province. In 
the East he had conquered lands that were the home of 
fable as far as the Red Sea, and had added Arabia as a 
province to the empire. Captive barbarian princes again 
adorned the Roman triumphs. Their heavy marble statues 

See also : Josef Klein, Fasti Consulares inde a Caesaris nea usqtu ad 
imperium DiocUtiani, 

^ Wilhelm Henzen, Annali delV Imt, 1862, p. 158. Spart c.^3. 

CHAP. Ill] During the Reign of Trajan 15 

with faces full of sullen defiance even now recall to us in 
Rome the days of Trajan.* Thousands of artists displayed 
the new splendour of the monarchy by magnificent buildings. 
In the year 1 1 3 A.D., the triumphal column was unveiled in the 
Forum of Trajan, the inimitable pattern for the imitation 
of ambitious conquerors down to the latest posterity. 

It is doubtful if Hadrian ever ardently desired the laurels 
of the conqueror. He had other ideals. Had the choice 
been his between the fame of Homer and Achilles, he 
would have chosen the former. The honour which he had 
just received from the people of Athens he will have 
valued quite as highly as a triumph. For the respect 
that he commanded as probable successor to the throne, 
even outside Rome, and the popularity that he enjoyed 
among the Greeks as a Philhellene, is shown by the fact 
that the city of Athens elected him archon in the year 
1 1 2 A.D. A statue in his honour was at once erected in 
the theatre of Dionysus. Its pedestal, with inscriptions 
both in Greek and Latin, is still preserved, and it is to 
this record that we are ihdebted for the most accurate 
information as to the political career of Hadrian up to 
the time of his consulate.* 

*The bust of Decebalus was found in the year 1855 near the Fonim of 
Trajan, and was transfered to the Museum at St. Petersburg. — Wilhelm 
Frochner, La Colonne Trajane^ Paris, 1865, p. 5. 

•From a fragment of the Mirabilia of Phlegon, c. 25 {Phlegontis TreUL 
Opusc,^ ed. Franz), it appears that 112 A.D. was the year of Hadrian's 
archonship. Keil, Griech, Inschr, PhiloL Suppl. ii. 593, 594. 


Hadrian accompanies the Emperor in the Parthian 
War. Rising of the Jews. Lusius Quietus. 
Death of Trajan and Adoption of Hadrian 

Hadrian accompanied the emperor in the Parthian war^ 
from which Trajan was not to return. He was his legate 
on the staff, and this distinction also he owed to Plotina's 
good-will.^ Thirst for fame, and ambition to appear the 
greatest king in the world, had taken possession of the 
hitherto moderate Trajan, and had impelled him to the 
most daring enterprises. He proposed to solve the eastern 
question by driving the powerful Parthtans, who had 
stepped into the place of the Persians, beyond the Tigris^ 
and by taking possession of the highways of commerce 
to India. It was a war of Greek and Roman culture 
against time-worn Asia, a renaissance of the ideas of 
Alexander the Great ; but the East was the undoing of 

Perhaps this expedition that excited such general interest 
at the time, was the only one which inspired the Philhellene 
Hadrian with a feeling of romance. The emperor set 
out from Italy in October 113 A.D.* When, in the spring of 
114 A.D., he brought votive offerings from the spoils of the 
Dacians to Zeus Casius at Antioch, which he had appointed 
as the meeting-place of the army, Hadrian wrote some Greek 

^ Spart. c. 4 : cujus studio etiam legatus expeditionis parthicae tempore 
destinatus est. 

* Greek Anthology : Epigrammatum Anthologia PalatinUy ed. F. 
Duebner, vi. 332 and note p. 267. The votive offerings were two goblets 
and a gilded buffalo-horn. 

UK. I. cii.ivj Hadrian in the Parthian War 17 

verses, wherein he called upon the god to give the emperor 
the victory over the Achaemenidae, so that he might unite 
the spoils of the Arsacids with those of the Getae. 

After the conquest of Armenia and Mesopotamia in the 
year 1 1 5 A.D., Trajan spent the winter again in Antioch, and 
during his residence the city was destroyed by an earthquake 
on 13th December 1 1 5 A.D. The countries of the Euphrates 
were subjug<ited by brilliant victories. He pressed forward 
to liabylon, captured Selcucia on the Tigris, and Ctesiphon, 
the second city of importance in Parthia, sailed down 
the river into the Persian Gulf, and here abandoned the 
most fascinating of all dreams to western conquerors, — the 
conquest of India. Sixteen hundred years were to pass 
away after Trajan's time, before this magic land was 
conquered and enslaved by bold and rapacious adventurers 
from the shores of distant Britain. 

On Trajan's return to Babylon in the winter of 
116 A.D., his wonderful good fortune deserted him. The 
peoples whom he had conquered in the districts watered 
by the two rivers, took up arms in his rear.* The flame 
of this insurrection was kindled by the Jews, who had 
for some time been settled in Mesopotamia and Babylonia, 
partly under their own princes, but vassals of the Parthians, 
— as in Gordyene and Adiabene on the Tigris, where the 
Izati mlcd, a dynasty which had been converted to 
Judaism — in Osroene, Naarda, and Nisibis, and as far as 
Arabia. Since the days of the Ptolemies Jews swarmed 
in Egypt and Greece, as well as in the island of Cyprus, 
after Augustus had allowed Herod to rent the copper 
mines which were to be found there. In all these countries 
the Jews rose, intoxicated with the hopes of a Messiah, 
and encouraged to fight the Roman oppressor by the 
favourable opportunity of the Parthian war. Their hatred 
against the destroyers of Jerusalem converted them into 
raging cannibals. 

The province of Cyrene, which htid already survived one 
Jewish storm in the time of Vespasian, was deluged with 
the blood of the Greeks, and turned into a desert The 
insurgents were led by a brave man called Lucuas. Even 

* Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 29 : wdpra rA iaKuK^n ira^x'h KoXlwimi^ 


1 8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

in Egypt the army of the procurator Lupus, defeated by 
the rebels, had to withdraw to Alexandria, which at this 
juncture was destroyed by fire. Trajan was obliged to 
send Marcius Turbo, one of Hadrian's best friends, to Egypt, 
with some troops. The brave general crushed the rebellion 
of the Jews with great difficulty and with frightful severity, 
and then sailed for Cyprus, where the Hebrews had also 
risen under their leader Artemion, and had nearly become 
masters of the island. They had even destroyed the city of 
Salamis, and it is reported, though it is scarcely credible, 
that 240,000 Greeks and Romans were killed in this 
uprising.. Turbo, however, suppressed the rebellion here 
also, and from that time the entry of every Jew into Cyprus 
was punished with death.^ 

It does not appear that Hadrian took any part in these 
Jewish wars ; it is more likely that he remained by the 
emperor's side at his post as adjutant-general.' At this 
time Trajan commissioned his boldest general, Lusius 
Quietus, to subjugate the Jews in the countries of the 
Euphrates. This formidable warrior was one of the chiefs 
of Berber, or Moorish race in Africa, who were under the 
protection of Rome, and whose services the Imperial Govern- 
ment endeavoured to secure by means of money and marks 
of favour. For this purpose there was one special procurator 
in Mauretania Caesariensis with the title ad curam gentium} 
The Berber prince was completely Romanized, as his name 
shows ; he was burning with ambition to distinguish himself 
under the banner of the emperor. Rejected at first by the 
Romans with contempt, he had led his Moorish cavalry as 

^Eusebius, Hisi, EccL iv. 2, and in the Chronicle, Dion Cassius, 
Ixviii. 32. Orosius, vii. 12. Gregory, called Bar Hebraeus, Chrotiicon^ 
ed. Bruns und Kirsch, p. 54. i8th and 19th year of Trajan. 

"Josl, Allgemein, Gesch, des IsnuL Volks^ ii. in, and Milman, 
History of the Jews^ ii.' 421, are wrong in asserting that Hadrian 
fought against the rebels in Cyprus in 116 A.]). 

'Renier, Inscr, ronu de PAlgMe^ 4033. llenzen, CLL. vi. 378a. 
Jung, Die roman, Landschaften d. ronu Reiches^ p. 101. Quietus, like 
Abdel-Kader, was originally a petty chief in his own country, rir Maiz/Kiiv 
dpx<^>' (Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 32) and allied with the Romans. Themistius, 
ed. Dindorf, Orat, 16, 205, calls him ii ddd^ov xal dv{^KiafA4yris ifrxariat 

CHAP, ivj Rising of the Jews 19 

auxiliaries to Trajan in the Dacian expedition, and had 
distinguished himself by deeds of valour. It is supposed 
that he is depicted on the bas-relief of Trajan's column 
with his savage warriors.^ 

Lusius Quietus carried out his commission in Mesopotamia 
with African cruelty. He retook Nisibis and Edessa which 
he destroyed, slaughtering the Jews in thousands. On this 
•iccount the Rabbinical writers have given the name of 
Quietus to the whole of Trajan's Jewish war, and indeed 
have extended it to the country of Judaea itself.* For, after 
the rising in the country of the Euphrates had been put 
down, Trajan sent the same general to Palestine, not indeed 
as procurator, but with the full power of a proconsular 
legate. This mark of distinction given to the Moorish 
adventurer, who had been elected Consul suffectuSy seems to 
have aroused the jealousy of Hadrian.' 

The mission of Quietus to Palestine, in the beginning of 
the year 1 1 7 A.D., was connected with the measures taken 
by the emperor for the suppression of the revolt in Egypt 
and Mesopotamia. For Palestine was the historical and 
ideal centre of the whole Jewish race, and Jerusalem was the 
object of their rising in the East, the ultimate aim of which 
could only be the restoration of the temple and the deliver- 
ance of Israel from the yoke of the Romans. It was highly 
probable that in Judaea the High priest and his Sanhedrin 
had woven the threads of the rebellion of the Jewish people. 
When Trajan commenced the Parthian war, he probably 
summoned a portion of the troops from the fortresses of 
Palestine, and so denuded the land. This appears to have 
been the case with the Xth legion Fretensis, which had 
been stationed there since the time of Titus.* 

^Frochncr, Iji Colanne Trajane^ p. 14, 21, 2Lnd planches 86, 88. On 
him Horghesi, CEuvres^ i. viii. 500 sq, 

•"Polcmos Schcl Quitos "— Gractz, Geschichte der Judm^ 1866, iv. 132 
and note 24. VoWvMLT^Judithj p. 41 sq,^ especially p. 83 sq, 

' Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 32, says of Quietus : &art h roin icrparymiK&rat 
(propraetorian legate) i9ytia4>y^tu koX bwartdcai r^ re lioXaiarUfJit Ap^eu' ^( dr 
WW Kol r& ftdXiffra i^BotnjBrf koI iiu9i/fin irol AviUKtro, Eusebius, Hisi, EccL 
iv. 2 : *Iouda(Mr 4fytfuiw, 

* Gruter, 367, 6 : Inscription on A. Atinius, TRIB . MIL. LEG . x. FRET. 


20 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

No trustworthy historian speaks of an actual insurrection 
at that time in Judaea ; but Spartianus implies the rebellious 
feeling of the heavily oppressed country, and the despatch 
of Quietus, the destroying angel of the Jews in Mesopotamia, 
to Palestine, proves that there was more than a mere inclin- 
ation to rebel in the province.^ The Moorish prince came 
to Judaea to preserve this important key between the countries 
of the Euphrates and Egypt, and he certainly came with 
troops. He had brought back the Xth legion, or that part 
of it which had been withdrawn from the Parthian war, and 
he commanded it as legate. 

Meanwhile Trajan had returned to the Euphrates. 
Shattered by failure, repulsed from the rock fortress Atra (in 
which stood a famous temple of the Sun), ill from dis- 
appointment and fatigue, despairing of the East, whose 
conquest on the farther side of the Euphrates now appeared 
impossible to the Romans, the emperor began his homeward 
journey to Italy in the spring of 1 1 7 A.D. He left Hadrian 
in Antioch, handing over to him, as legate, the supreme 
command in Syria and of the Eastern army, and sailed 
towards the West.^ His condition however compelled him 
to land at Cilicia ; and he took to his bed at Selinus 
(the modem Selinti) in the beginning of August, and he 
never rose from it again. 

The death of Trajan in Asia, after so many heroic 
struggles amid such bold and fantastic projects, reminds us 
of Alexander, and, like Alexander, he had appointed no 
successor. His most famous generals were still fighting 
against the insurgents, and no one knew the intentions of 
the emperor. Priscus, Palma, Quietus, or even Hadrian 
himself could draw their swords if any one of them were 
sure of the vote of the legions. It was a critical moment 
The empire might easily again fall into anarchy, as it 
did after the death of Nero. It seems strange that Trajan 
had not long before prevented the possibility of such a 
catastrophe, as Nerva had done with such a happy result. 
When he thought over the names of his great men, he 

^ Spart F/'/o, c. 5 : Aegyptus seditionibus urgebatur, Lycia (the reading 
probably is Lybia) denique ac Palaestina rebelles animos efferebant. 
' Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 33. 

ciiAr. ivj Death of Trajan 21 

must have been convinced that his own relation ought to 
be his successor. He was aware that Hadrian had a 
powerful party at court, and had a firmer footing than any 
other aspirant to the crown. Did he still waver in his 
resolution to adopt Hadrian, whose incalculable character 
probably did not inspire him with confidence? He had 
scarcely been fond of him, even though by the act of placing 
power in his hands, he had shown that he felt no other 
choice was open to him. He had exiled Laberius Maximus 
and Frugi Crassus, enemies of Hadrian, and he had with- 
drawn his favour from Palma and Celsus, while he had 
conferred the greatest distinction upon Hadrian, giving him 
the complete command of Syria, and of the army. Perhaps 
he dallied with the adoption, because he wished to carry it 
into effect at Rome by an act of the senate. However, his 
illness overtook him, and the dying emperor gave way 
at Sclinus to the representations of the Empress Plotina, of 
the elder Matidia and of Attianus, who were at his side, and 
Hadrian was virtually adopted. 

Trajan died on the 7th or 8th August, 1 17 A.D. On the 
9th Hadrian received at Antioch a deed of adoption, and on 
the ! I th of the same month, the death of the emperor was 
made public. 

At once the report was spread that a trick had been 
played at Selinus. Dion Cassius maintains that Hadrian 
was not adopted by Trajan, but that he owed the fortune 
which he fraudulently obtained, to Attianus and to the love 
of Plotina.^ He says he heard from his father, Apronianus, 
who became prefect of Cilicia long after the death of Trajan, 
that the death of the emperor was purposely concealed 
until the document had been framed and made public. 
Spartianus, too, mentions a rumour that Plotina, after 
tlic death of the emperor, substituted a person who, feigning 
the voice of a dying man, pronounced the adoption of 
Hadrian.' Whether the document was forged,' whether 
the empress lent herself to a deception unworthy of her, 

• Dion Cassius, Ixix. i, Eutrop. viii. 6. 'Spart. c. 4. 

'Gibbon, La Bcrge, Dierauer, and others maintain the fictitious 
adoption. 1 however agree with the contrary reasons advanced by 
Centerwall (Spar/, vita Hadriani comment, illustrata in Upsula Univ.- 

22 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. iv 

is a doubtful question ; but the most credible view will 
always be, that Trajan in his last hours agreed to the 
adoption of his cousin. 

As Hadrian received the document on the 9th of August, 
this day is the birthday of his adoption. Not until the i ith 
was the death of Trajan made known. This day is therefore 
the dies imperii^ the day of the year of his ascent to the 
throne. The legions which he commanded as legate of 
Syria, then the most important province of the empire, 
at once hailed him Imperator in Antioch, and he gave them 
a double donative which might appear either as an acknow- 
ledgment of his gratification or as evidence of his insecurity.^ 

At the same time Hadrian despatched a most respectful 
letter to the senate, excusing himself for having assumed 
the imperial title merely on the acclamation of the army, on 
the ground that the empire could not remain without 
an emperor. He asked that the choice of the army should 
be confirmed.^ As a matter of fact it was immaterial in the 
eye of the law, whether the imperial dignity was bestowed by 
the army or by the senate.' 

As the ashes of Trajan, escorted by the widowed empress, 
by Matidia Augusta and Attianus, were to be embarked at 
Selinus, Hadrian went to that port. The ship of mourning 
set sail, and he returned to Antioch. Here he remained for 
several months that he might put in order the disturbed 
affairs of the East. 


Arsskr.^ Ups. 1869, i., pp. $2-59)1 ^^^ Duruy {History of Rome^ v., pp. 3 
and 4). Haakh (Hadr. in Pauly, R.E,) thinks that Trujan entertained 
the idea of adoption, and Merivale, vii. 412, that Plotina carried it out. 
Adoption-coins, Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum^ vi., p. 475 j^., Cohen, 
Description des Monnaies^ ii., p. no, n. 51 sq, 

^ Hadrian at once adopted the titles of Trajan, and accordingly called 
himself Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus. — Eckhel, vi., p. 518. Later he 
dropped these titles. 

*Dion Cassius, Ixix. 2. 'Mommsen, Rom, Staatsrecht^ ii.' 790. 


Hadrian gives up the lately acquired Provinces of 
Trajan. State of Judaea. Fall of Lusius Quietus 

Rome had now an emperor, related to Trajan, the " best " 
of princes, by ties of natural, though not of intellectual 
kinship. Hitherto Hadrian had not made himself prominent 
in the state as a great personality. The whole period from 
Nerva to the last of the Antonines was such that it was 
no longer possible for a man to seize dominion by force, as, 
fortunately for the empire, adoption was the means to the 
throne, and the brilliancy of the imperial power over- 
shadowed every other personality. Hadrian had passed 
through his political career with honour, but without special 
distinction. laurels such as Trajan's generals had gained, 
did not adorn his brow. He was known as one of the 
cleverest men in Rome, highly cultivated, with an un- 
mistakable leaning towards Hellenism, adapted, apparently, 
more to enjoy than to govern the world. What character- 
istics this "Greek" on the throne of the Caesars might 
disclose, were known to no one, but it was quite clear that 
the new emperor was not the man to carry out the 
imperial idea of Trajan, sword in hand. From the first hour 
of his reign he turned away from it. He showed that his 
inclinations lay in another direction, and that his wish was 
to develop the inner life of the empire apart from wars 
and conquests, making it more secure within the limits pro- 
tected by the legions — limits not to be extended. 

There was no desire in Hadrian's nature for imperial 
greatness. If he had carried on the boundless conquests of 
his predecessors, he would have begun his reign with endless 

24 The Emperor Hadrian t^oo*^ » 

wars, and would have exhausted the already impoverished 
treasury of the empire, only to relinquish the fame to the 
ambitious generals of Trajan. Already in Antioch he 
sketched the programme of his policy of peace. He dis- 
dained to enter upon the oriental inheritance of his pre- 
decessor. He resolved to give up the newly acquired but 
untenable provinces on the other side of the Euphrates. 
This determination to abandon the great designs of Trajan 
was inevitable under the circumstances.^ For Trajan himself 
had been forced to learn that distant countries were easier 
to conquer than to maintain; he had experienced their 
defection, and when Hadrian took the reins of government 
the Moors, the Sarmatians, and the Britons were in rebellion, 
and Palestine, Cyprus, and Cyrene had to be pacified. 
Nevertheless, Hadrian's renunciation was a daring one, as 
it must have appeared un-Roman. It aflronted the war- 
party, in whose opinion the empire could only maintain its 
supremacy in the world by extension. It embittered the 
generals and officers of Trajan, who expected honours and 
wealth from the prosecution of the war in the East, and who 
now saw the eagles of Rome turning homewards as if they 
bad been vanquished. Thus Hadrian showed himself in 
the commencement of his reign a man of prudent and 
independent mind.^ But the dissatisfaction of his opponents 
is displayed in the judgments of later Roman historians, 
who ascribe Hadrian's relinquishment of the conquests of 
his predecessor to vulgar envy of his greatness.' But had 
not Augustus recognized the expediency, after many military 
conquests, of seeking the welfare of the empire only by 
concentrating its possessions? Had he not voluntarily 

^ This necessity is referred to by Spart. c. 5 : Hadrian followed the 
example of Cato, qui Macedonas liberos pronunciavit, quia tueri non 

' This is also Ranke's opinion. Weltgeschichte^ iii. 285. 

' Eutrop. viii. c. 6 : Qui Trajani gloriae invidens statini provincias tres 
reliquit, quas Trajanus addiderat The Chron, Heiron. following Eutro- 
pius says " Hadrianus Trajani invidens gloria," etc Dion makes no 
mention whatever of this incident. Fronto (ed. Rom. 1846) Principia 
Historiae^ p. 226, merely says '* Hadrianus provincias manu Trajani captas 
omittere maluit, quam retinere." 

CHAP, vj State of Judaea 25 

relinquished the province of Great Armenia in favour of 
the son of Artavasdes?^ 

Hadrian made the Euphrates the boundary of the Roman 
Empire in Asia, giving up Armenia, Mesopotamia, and 
Assyria, and, after making an agreement with the Parthians, 
he withdrew his l^ions from their country. Chosroes he 
recognized as king of the Parthians. Parthamaspates, the 
Arsacid who had been forced upon the country as prince, but 
who had been already expelled by Chosroes, he compensated 
by giving him the dominion over other districts. For he 
was ever anxious to secure the Roman influence in the 
countries of the Euphrates. On the other side of the river 
too, several kings seem to have acknowledged the supreme 
power of the emperor.' 

Of all the conquests of Trajan, Hadrian only kept Arabia- 
Petraea. This new province, ori^ account of its situation on 
the borders of Syria and Judaea, on the Red Sea, and its 
proximity to l^gypt, was of great military and commercial 

The rising of the Jewish people had been already crushed 
by the generals of Trajan in Egypt and Cyprus. In Palestine 
however the agitation was not over, and here Lusius Quietus 
ruled as governor with great severity. The attempt has been 
made to prove from the Talmud and the Book of Judith, 
that Quietus actually waged war against the rebels in Judaea. 
For that wonderful book, which records the glorification of 
the Jewish nation and its final conquest over the enemies of 
Israel, is said, though no proof can be adduced, to* have 
originated in the time of Hadrian. Nineveh is supposed to 
represent Antioch, Judith Judaea, and Holofernes the cruel 

' Mon. Ancyr. C.LL, iii. 2, p. 782. 

•Amongst the coins of the Mcsopotamian princes of Edessa there is one 
of Abgarus with the head of Hadrian. — Mionnet, v., p. 613. 

' Volkmar warmly asserts the historical relations of the book of Judith 
with the Jewish war of Trajan and the fall of Quietus. By the Polemos 
5>chel Quitos he understands the war in Judaea. His Jewish sources are 
Midrasch on (Jcnesis, Bcreschit Rabba, c. 64, the Chronicle of the Seder 
olam Rablxi, which is said to have been edited shortly after the war. He 
is followed by Gractz {Gesch. d.Juderty 1866, iv. 132 and note iv.) Schuerer, 
Ijtkrhuch der neuesten Zeitgesch, p. 354. A. Hausrath, Neut. Zeitungy iii. 



26 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

The Talmudic authorities, which are quite untrustworthy, 
maintain that Quietus certainly conquered Judaea, but 
that the new emperor put a stop to his ravages there, 
whereupon the Jews laid down their arms, though only 
on condition of being allowed to rebuild the Temple. 
There are no facts, however, to vouch for the accuracy 
of this rabbinical fable which speaks of so great a con- 
cession on the part of the emperor to the Jews, even while 
they were still armed. Only Hadrian's love of peace is 
not to be doubted. It is possible that messengers from 
the Sanhedrin sought him in Antioch, to lay before him 
the complaints and the wishes of their people. But that he 
went himself in person to Jerusalem is not credible, for 
he had neither time to do so, nor, after the conclusion of 
peace with the Parthians, was Judaea of sufficient political 
importance to call Hadrian away from all his pressing 

Lusius Quietus, however, he removed from Palestine. 
Dion Cassius and Spartianus have pointed out that this 
favourite of Trajan was the object of his hatred, and 
we can easily believe that this powerful man would not, 
in any case, have hastened to recognize the proclamation 
of Hadrian as emperor. Hadrian took away from him, 
as it appears, at the very commencement of his reign, 
the government of Judaea, and not only the command of 
the Roman troops who were there, but of his own Moorish 
warriors, whom he had taken with him.* He banished 

374 ^9* ]' Derenbourg {Essai sur PHist. et la Giogr, de la Palestine^ i. part, 
p. 402 sq^ entirely denies the war of Trajan and Hadrian in Judaea. So 
does Renan, Les Evangilesy p. 507. 

^Duerr i^Die Reisen (Us Kaisers Hadrian^ p. 16) endeavours to prove this 
first visit in Judaea, as also Pagi {jCritica in Baron, p. 121) from a very 
confused passage in Epiphanius {^De mensuris^ c. 14). And yet he 
allows Hadrian but two and a half months for his sojourn in Antioch 
until his departure for Illyricum. And not less untenable is his conjecture 
that Hadrian then visited Alexandria. Zoega wrongly asserts the presence 
of the emperor there for the first time before 130 a.d. Eckhel, iv., p. 41 sq,\ 
vi., p. 489 sq. No conclusion as to Hadrian's visit to Alexandria, which Pagi 
has placed in 1 19 A.D., can be drawn from coins, as they bear no date. 

*Spart. c 5: L. Quietum sublatis gentibus Mauris, quos regcbat, 
quia suspectus imperio fuerat, exarmavit Marcio Turbonc Judaeis 

CHAP, v] Fall of Lusius Quietus 27 

him from Palestine. He probably sent him to Rome, to 
answer for himself before the senate, as, according to 
Spartianus, he was suspected of ambitious designs upon the 
throne. But to Mauretania, which had risen in insurrection, 
Hadrian sent Marcius Turbo as prefect, the conqueror of 
the Jews in Egypt, a man of proved military fidelity and 
of untiring energy.* It is not known to what new governor 
Hadrian gave the place of Quietus in Palestine.* 

The fall of the hated Moorish prince, who was steeped 
in the blood of Israel, was looked upon by the Jews, though 
perhaps erroneously, as an earnest of the goodwill of the 
new emperor ; while his withdrawal, contrary to imperial 
tradition, from the policy of Trajan, revived their hopes 
of a Messiah. They rejoiced ; the bloody conquests of 
Quietus in Mesopotamia had been fought uselessly, for 
they saw their brethren there, freed from the yoke of 
the " tyrant Trajan," after Hadrian had given up possession 
of the country. The destroyer of the Jews had been 
banished, and soon indeed they heard of his ignominious 
death. They instituted a festival in memory of the deliver- 
ance of Israel.' That they looked upon Hadrian in the 
beginning of his reign with hope and sympathy, and 
expected from him an improvement in the fortunes of 
Judaea, is indicated by passages in the Sibylline books, 
where the poet, probably an Alexandrian Jew, glorifies the 
successor of Trajan,* the noble ruler who takes his name 

compressis ad deprimendum tutnultum Mauretaniae destinato, post haec 
Antiochia degressus est ad inspiciendas reliquias Trajani. 

* Eckhel, vi., p. 498, and others (Notes to Dion, in ed. of Sturz, vi. 640) 
wrongly suppose that Hadrian sent Quietus as regent to Mauretania. 

'Marquardt {Rom, Stoat sverwaltung^ \} 420) places Q. Pompeius 
Falco, a friend of the young Pliny, as legate of Judaea, between Quietus 
and the later Rufus. Yet he was still legate there under Trajan about 
109 A.I). Henzen, 5451 (with restitution of Borghesi, iv. 125) Mommsen 
in Hermesy iii. 51, and in Index nominum to Keil's Ep, Plin.y Borghesi, 
viii. 365. Waddington, Fastes dcs Prmf. asiatigties^ p. 203. 

' " Jom Trajanus " — Volkmar, Judith^ p. 40 sq, 

* Orac, Sibyll,y ed. Alexander, v., lines 247-285, 414-434. Graetz, iv. 138. 
Hausrath, iii. 307 sq, Volkmar, Judith^ page 104 sq, Kenan {LEglise 
chritientUy p. 13) asserts, with good reason, that these prophecies were 
written already in Hadrian's lifetime. 

28 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

from a Sea ; with him a new age of happiness for Israel 
and Jerusalem is to begin. 

The Talmudists maintain that Hadrian really promised 
the Jews to allow them to rebuild their Temple as a national 
sanctuary, and to restore the city which Titus had destroyed. 
We can understand how this saying arose among the Jews ; 
but it is quite inconceivable that a Roman emperor should 
make such a promise to despised Jewish rebels, for this 
would have been tantamount to the acknowledgment of the 
Jews as a nation, which for political reasons Rome had 
destroyed. It was Hadrian who finally obliterated the 
stronghold of Judaism, by founding the Roman colony Aelia 
Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem. This was perhaps 
even a project of Trajan.^ It certainly must be considered 
in connection with the last rebellion of the Jews in the East, 
and with the resolve of Hadrian to surrender the Parthian 
conquests. Jerusalem had been the strongest of all the 
fortresses of Syria. Titus had destroyed it, and Hadrian 
was the first to feel that this destruction was a mistake. As 
soon as he had withdrawn the boundaries of the empire to 
this side of the Euphrates, retaining only Arabia of Trajan's 
new provinces, he must have thought of building strong 
places between the Euphrates and the Red Sea, to serve as 
a support to the Roman army against the Parthians, the 
Bedawin of Arabia, and the Jews, and, at the same time, as 
emporiums of commerce. The renewed prosperity of the 
cities of Heliopolis (Baalbek), Damascus, Palmyra, Bostra, 
Gerasa, and others in the Trachonitis and in the country 
beyond the Jordan, did, as a matter of fact, begin in the time 
of Hadrian. It is unnecessary to mention of what import- 
ance the situation of Jerusalem was on the elevated plateau 
commanding the passes to the Phoenician Sea, the valley of 
tlie Jordan, the Dead Sea, and the caravan routes of Arabia. 
Hadrian therefore followed the plan of restoring Jerusalem 
as a Roman colony, but it was late in his reign before he 
carried it out. 

At Antioch, the emperor received from Rome the letters 
of congratulation of the senate, who not only granted him 
divine honours in memory of his adopted father, for which 

' Ewald, Geschichte <L Volkes Israel^ vii. 361. 

ciiAiw) Refuses the Parthian Triumph 29 

he had asked, but awarded him also the Parthian triumph in 
the place of Trajan. This he dech'ned.^ 

The aristocratic opposition which had become powerful in 
the service of Trajan might become dangerous to the new 
sovereign. It seemed therefore advisable to his friends to 
encounter it at once. Attianus had already advised him at 
Selinus to make suspicious enemies harmless ; and, as such» 
had pointed out to him Bebius Macer the prefect of the city, 
Laberius Maximus, and Frugi Crassus.' But Hadrian 
showed himself nobler than his followers, and he did not 
accept the advice. Attianus, and Similis, one of the most 
honourable men of his time, were made prefects of the 

* Spart c 6. 

*Spait. c 5. Yet Crassus was afterwards assassinated by a servile 


Return of Hadrian to Rome by way of Illyricum. 
War with the Roxolani. Arrangement of affairs 
in Pannonia and Dacia. Conspiracy and Execution 
of the Four Consulars. Arrival of Hadrian in 
Rome in August ii8 a.d. 

After Hadrian had established peace in the East, and 
had appointed L. Catilius Severus legate of Syria, he left 
Antioch to return to Italy.^ Spartianus says that he came 
home by way of lUyria. This name primarily denoted the 
eastern shores of the Adriatic Sea, but since the time of 
Trajan it had been applied to the large tract of country 
bordering the Danube as far as Macedonia, Moesia, Pannonia, 
Dalmatia, Dacia, and even Raetia and Noricum.* These 
provinces received a special share of Hadrian's attention 
because he had served as a tribune in Moesia, governed 
Pannonia as legate, and fought in Dacia by the side of 

The time of his departure from Syria cannot correctly be 
ascertained. It is, however, certain that a whole year elapsed 
between his assumption of the imperial power and his 
arrival in Rome. This interval lends colour to the supposi- 

^ The coins in Eckhel, vi., pp. 475, 476, probably refer to the settlement of 
the East : Oriens, Concordia, Justitia, Pax. For Catilius Severus, 
a friend of the younger Pliny, and his proconsulship in Asia during the 
years 117 to 119 A.D., see Waddington, Pastes des Provinces asiaiiques^ 

p. 134. 
'Marquardt, Rom, Staatsver. i. 295. Jung, Die romcm. Landscka/ten 

4L rom. Reiches^ p. 333. 

itK. I.] War with the Roxolani 31 

tion that the emperor undertook an expedition against the 
Sarmatians and Roxolani on his return journey from Syria.^ 
If this is correct, Hadrian, after sending on his troops in 
advance to Moesia, penetrated through the Hellespont and 
the Bosporus into the countries of the Danube, and, on the 
conclusion of the expedition, he sailed from one of the ports 
of Illyria to Brundusium. 

Moesia, an imperial province divided into two districts, 
which were separated by the Danube from Dacia, and by the 
Haemus from Thrace, was of no small importance to the 
empire, as the frontier on the Black Sea, where the turbulent 
tribes of Sarmatia sought to advance from the Dnieper to 
the mouths of the Danube. It stretched from the time of 
Nero beyond Tyras, the colony of Miletus, to the lands of 
the kings of the Bosporus, against whose attacks the rest of 
the free Greek states on the northern shore of the Black Sea 
could only be protected by the neighbouring Roman troops 
In Troesmis the Vth legion Macedonica protected the 
mouth of the Danube, while in Tomi and Odessus (Varna) a 
small fleet of warships was stationed. 

The Roxolani had at that time made common cause with 
the Jazyges to invade the provinces of Moesia and Dacia, 
and Hadrian therefore felt himself compelled to undertake 
an expedition against them. But it did not come to a serious 
war ; the emperor seems indeed to have so terrified the 
barbarians by the mere sight of his powerful army and of their 

' This is the view taken by Flemmer {De itiner, et reb. gestis Adrianiy 
p. 2) with which Duerr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian^ p. i6, concurs. 
It contradicts the statement of Spartianus (c. 5), who does not connect 
this campaign with the return to Rome over lllyricum. Eusebius, who 
places the Sarmatian war in Hadrian's fourth year, is of less weight, for 
his Roman chronology is useless. The chronology of Spartianus is also 
much confused. The connection of events makes Duerr's view acceptable. 
The conjectured presence of Hadrian in Juliopolis on the 12th November 
117 A.D., cannot however be proved from a letter of the emperor to the 
youth of Pergamum (Curtius, Hermes^ vii. 37, 38), as the geographical 
position of the place is doubtful, and the iteration figure of the Tribunicia 
potcstas is missing. When Uuerr (p. 24) concludes from the sacrifices 
which the Arvals offered also to Victoria in honour of the adventus of 
the emperor, that this has reference to the victory over the Roxolani, he 
forgets that the senate had offered Hadrian the Parthian triumph of Trajan. 

32 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

military dexterity — he made the Batavian cavalry swim 
armed across the Danube — that they submitted and accepted 
him as arbitrator in their quarrels.^ The principle which 
Hadrian always adopted in his dealings with the barbarian 
princes was to subdue them by negotiation rather than by 
force. He satisfied their demands where he recognized they 
were just, and for some time the Roman Empire had sub- 
mitted to subsidize such princes. The king of the Roxolani, 
Rasparaganus, one of these chieftains in the pay of Rome, 
had complained that his subsidies had been diminishecl; 
Hadrian granted him the continuation of the payment, but 
he made him harmless for the future. The Sarmatian king 
was obliged to beg for the honour of being taken into the 
Gens Aelia^ and from thenceforth he seems to have lived as 
a pensioner of the Roman state with his whole family in 
banishment at Pola in Istria.^ 

Hadrian strengthened the Roman stations in Lower 
Moesia, but it is uncertain whether he did this in 1 1 8 A.D. 
or later. Coins and inscriptions refer to the activity of 
the emperor there.^ Under his rule Moesia was separated 
from Dalmatia and made into a separate administrative area.^ 

The emperor was also engaged in arranging matters in 
Pannonia and Dacia on the other side of the Danube. He 
summoned Marcius Turbo from Mauretania, giving to him 
the temporary government of this consular province and 
raising him to the dignity of a prefect of Egypt in order to 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 6. CLL, iii., n. 3676 : Inscription relating to a 
warrior of the Batavian cohort, who swam the Danube. 

'Inscription from Pola, C/.Z. v. pt. i, 32 : p . aelio . rasparagano . 
REGI . ROXOLANORUM, and 33 : his son Aelius Peregrinus, who is not 
called rex. Here Roxolani and Sarmati are used indiscriminately. 

' ADVENTUl . AUG . MOESIAE . S . C.—EXERC . MOESIACUS, Eckhel, vi., 

p. 499. A coin of Hadrian with Aeliana Pincensia, Eckhel, vi., p. 447, 
refers to metalla in Moesia. Inscript. at Tomi, the metropolis ot 
Moesia inferior ; C./.Z. iii. 765, add. p. 997. Troesmis (Iglitza) became 
under Hadrian a garrison town, Renter, Rev, Arch, xii. 414, C./.Z. 
iii. 2, n. 6166. Nicopolis is called Adrianopolis, Mionnet, i., p. 359. 
Mommsen, Eph. ep, iii. 234. Viminacium bears the name of Aelium, 
CLL, iii., p. 264. 

♦Henri Cons {La Prov. rom. de Dalmatie^ 1882, p. 267) gives as his 
authorities for this C.I.L, iii. 2829 ; CLL, iii. 4115, 2828 ; Inscription in 
honour of Hadrian at Burnum in 1 18 a.d. 

CHAP. VI] Affairs in Dacia 33 

increase his authority.* Hadrian divided Dacia, it is un- 
certain when, into two districts {inferior and superior^ giving 
it a praetorikn legate.* And yet tiie wish has been attributed 
to him to give up this province, the most important of all 
Trajan's conquests, and to return to the old frontier of the 
Danube. It is said that he was only induced to retain it 
by the representations of his friends, who urged that the 
Roman colonists who had been settled there by his prede- 
cessor in great numbers, would inevitably fall a sacrifice to 
the fury of the barbarians.' 

But a glance at this country which had been so quickly 
Romanized, and was now garrisoned by several legions, 
would have sufficed to convince Hadrian that this Danubian 
province must remain Roman, a bulwark of the empire and 
of Italy in particular. It is, therefore, incredible that he 
demolished the upper part of the great bridge built across 
the Danube by Trajan at Turnu Severin and Orsoya, the 
admired work of the architect Apollodorus, merely to restrain 
the barbarians from incursions into the countries on the 
right bank of the stream.* 

The work of colonizing the large territory of the 

Danube was eagerly pushed forward in Hadrian's reign, as 

is proved by the monuments found there. Trajan's colony 

of Ulpia Sarmizegetusa (of which the ruins are to be seen 

to-day near Vasarhely in Transylvania), the principal city of 

Dacia and the seat of the worship of Augustus, erected a 

statue to the Emperor Hadrian, the inscription on which 

commemorates his second consulate (118 A.D.).* 

' Spart. c. 6, 7, Inscription in honour of Turbo at Sarmizegetusa, CLL, 

ill., n. 1461. 

'In 129 A.D. Plautius Caesianus appears as legate in Dacia inferior 
CJ.L. iii., n. 876. Marquardt, Rom, Staatsverw, i. 309. 

' Eutrop. viii. c. 6. 

^Dion Cassius, Ixviii. 13. The bridge of twenty stone pillars was 150 
feet high and 60 wide. J. Aschbach on Trajan's stone bridge over the 
Danube in Mittheilungen d. k. k. Central Commission d. Erforschunx 
nnd Erhaltung v. RaudtnkmaU^ Wien 1858, iii. 197 sq. Even Aschbach 
still believed in the absurd story that Hadrian destroyed this bridge too 
from his envy of Trajan. Duniy, v., rightly doubts its destruction. 

^ CJJ^ iii., n. 1445, 1446. The legate of Hadrian, Cn. Papirius 
Aclianus, built an a(|ueduct there (132, 133 A.D.). A Hadrianic inscription 


34 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

While he was still occupied in the countries of the 
Danube, a conspiracy was formed against his throne and 
his life. Disappointed ambition induced some of the most 
important men in Rome to attempt the overthrow of 
Trajan's successor by a revolution, which, if it had suc- 
ceeded, would have robbed the world of the happy age of 
the Antonines. The chief of these malcontents were the 
consuls Lusius Quietus, Publius Celsus, Avidius Nigrinus, 
and Cornelius Palma, the distinguished conqueror of the 
province of Arabia. They represented the military and 
political school of Trajan, whose principles were slighted by 
the new emperor, whom they looked upon as an upstart 
without any military reputation, and a favourite of women. 
These great men, who had been rivals of Hadrian, were 
justified by their services in forming ambitious hopes. Even 
if Trajan had never thought of apfx^inting the Moorish 
adventurer Quietus to succeed him in the empire, he had 
made the audacious man of such importance that Hadrian 
feared him, and banished him.^ Nigrinus, particularly, had 
been pointed out as a possible successor to Trajan. He had 
governed Achaia as proconsul in the last years of the 
emperor.^ His daughter had married Ceionius Commodus, 
who was to become, as Aelius Verus, the adopted son of 
Hadrian, and the father of the emperor Lucius Verus.' 

Not one of these great men stood at the head of refractory 
legions ; not one had the praetorians on their side, nor the 

from Sarinizegetusa with the sentence "cujus virtute Dacia imperio addita 
felix est" is considered genuine by Zumpt, Rfuin, Mus, 1843, p. 257, in 
opposition to Ecthel, vi., p. 494, and Mommsen, who consider it false. 
Coins with EX£RCIT. dac. and dacia, Eckhel, vi., p. 494. Duerr considers, 
p. 19, that the settlement of Roman colonies at Drobeta (C./.Z. iii. 1581) 
Nicopolis, and Viminacium, was made by Hadrian. At this time the 
Legio xui. Gemina was quartered at Heviz in Dacia, CLL, iii., n. 953. 
In many cities of Dacia the name Aelius occurs among distinguished 
citizens. — Jung, Die roman, Landsch, p. 397. 

^Panegyric on Quietus in Ammianus Marcellinus, ed. Gronov., p. 619 
and in Themistius, Orat, 16, p. 205 (Dindorf). 

'A Delphian inscription, C. Wescher, Atude sur U Monum. bilingue de 
DeipheSy Paris, 1868, p. 23 sq.^ speaks of him as propraetorian legate. 

'Spart. c. 7 is therefore wrong in saying of Nigrinus that Hadrian had 
intended him to be his successor. 

CHAP. VI] Conspiracy of the Consulars 35 

senate, which, on the contrary, had been won over by the 
promises and flatteries of Hadrian. As all the actual facts 
of their opposition remain unknown to us, it seems at this 
distance of time to have been both feeble and foolish. It 
almost appears as if the emperor's friends had dignified the 
murmurs of discontent with the name of a state conspiracy. 
It was said that Hadrian was to be killed when hunting, 
or while he was offering sacrifice, and that the plan was 
betrayed. The obsequious senate hastened to give the 
emperor a proof of its submission by causing the unfortunate 
men to be seized and immediately put to death. Palma was 
executed in Tarracina, Cclsus in Baiae, Quietus at some 
unknown place on his journey, and Nigrinus in Faventia. 
The different localities mentioned as the places of their 
execution do not support the theory of conspiracy, unless 
indeed we suppose that the consulars were taken separately 
in their flight, or that each was surprised where he happened 
to be at the time.^ 

When Hadrian heard of these events he could thank the 
senate for sparing him the responsibility of the execution, or, 
at any rate, for giving him the opportunity of a disclaimer. 
In his autobiography, which has perished, he is said to have 
maintained that the senate acted contrary to his wishes in 
putting these great men to death.* This may possibly be 
true, for in Trajan's time one senator only had been con- 
demned, and he had been condemned by the senate without 
the knowledge of the emperor.' Hadrian expressly ascribed 
the crime to the counsels of the prefect Attianus.* But whether 
this advice was given to the senate or to himself, remains 
doubtful. Spartianus expresses no opinion upon it, while Dion 
Cassius makes it clear that he does not consider the emperor 
innocent. The most powerful of his adversaries had been 
removed by his zealous friends, and this bloody act was a 
warning to the rest. Otherwise cruelty was not in Hadrian's 
nature. Until his latter days, when some great men again fell 
victims to his suspicions, he was the most humane of princes. 

^ Spart c. 7. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 2. 

'Spart c. 7: Invito Hadriano, ut ipse in vita sua dicit occisi sunt 

' Eutrop. viii. 4. 

* Spart c. 9 : Quorum quidem necem in Attiani consilia refundebat 

36 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. 

Great discontent prevailed in Rome. The most prominent 
men of Trajan's court, four consulars, had been put to death 
without a trial. In spite of the complaisance of the senate, 
the aristocracy must have felt deeply injured, and must have 
dreaded the return of the reign of terror of Domitian. For 
this reason Hadrian hurried to Rome to dispel the un- 
favourable opinion which had been formed of him. He 
had thought, even in lUyria, of propitiating the Roman 
people by presents : three gold pieces were given to each 
man, and greater benefits were still to flow, to wipe out 
the blood that had been shed. Hadrian entered Rome 
on the 7th or 8th of August 1 1 8 A.D.* 

^ The date of Hadrian's arrival in Rome is fixed by the Acta Arvalta^ 
which record that the Arvals assembled in the temple of Concordia^ 
coopted the Emperor Hadrian in place of Trajan into their brotherhood,, 
and offered sacrifices in honour of his arrival Henzen, Acta Arvalia^ 
p. cliii. sq.\ C.LL, vL, p. 536 sq. As consuls L. Pomp. Bassus, and 
L . . . inius B(arbar)us. Proof of the date in Duerr., p. 21 sq,^ Eckhel vi.» 
p. 476. Gold and silver coins of arrival struck by the Senate repre- 
senting head of Hadrian crowned with laurel, Rome sitting on a breast- 
plate and shield, grasping the hand of the emperor. Cohen, ii.', p. iil» 


PONT . MAX . TR . POT . COS . II . s . 0. The proper consuls for the first 
half of the year 1 18 A.D. were, Hadrianus iterum and Cn. Pedanius Fuscus 
Salinator, stepson of Domitia Paulina, sister of Hadrian and wife of 
Servianus. See Borghesi, ii., p. 212. L. Pompeius Bassus and his ^ 
colleague were suffecti. 


Hadrian! s first acts in Rome. The great Remission 
of Debt. Third Consulate of the Emperor. Fall 
of Attianus. Marcius Turbo becomes Prefect. 
Death of Matidia Augusta. The Palilia of the 
year 121 a.d. 

The capital received Trajan's successor with imperial 
honours, and he hurried to the senate to wash away the 
stains from his purple robe, asserting his innocence of the 
death of the consulars. He swore never to sanction 
the punishment of a senator without the concurrence of the 
whole body.* A similar promise had been given previously 
by Nerva and Trajan, and might be looked upon as a 
kind of treaty with the senate, whose freedom and existence 
depended on the caprice of the emperor. Hadrian next 
celebrated the memory of his father by adoption with bril- 
liant festivities. He had gracefully declined the Parthian 
triumph which had been voted to him. The triumphal pro- 
cession was abandoned ; but on the car of victory the statue 
of his great predecessor was placed, crowned with laurel.' 
It was probably on this occasion that the ashes of Trajan 
were solemnly laid in the pedestal of the great triumphal 
column in the Forum of Trajan, and that the dead emperor 
was placed among the gods.' Hadrian himself had demanded 

' In senatu quoque excussatis quae facta erant juravit, se numquam 
senatorem nisi ex senatus sententia puniturum. — St)art. c 7. 

'Medal triumphus . parthicus, struck after the death of Trajan. 
Cohen, ii.', p. 78, n. 585. 

• Cohen, ii.', p. 87, n. 658. DIVO . TRAJANO . PARTH . AUG . PATRI. 

A phoenix. 


38 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

this from the senate, and it was a request not easy to 
refuse, as the same honour had been granted to Ncrva 
at the wish of Trajan. And Trajan had been really 
loved. The senate offered Hadrian the title oi pater patriae^ 
but the emperor again declined it. This title, which was 
first bestowed upon Cicero, was already a customary 
attribute of the emperors, but after the example of 
Augustus, they generally pretended at first to refuse, before 
they accepted, a distinction which theoretically, was the 
highest honour in the state, but which in reality was so 
often nothing but a mockery. Tiberius too had declined 
the title, and Trajan had only taken it after refusing it.* 
•Despite Hadrian's refusal, there are coins and records of 
the early years of his reign which give him this title, either 
because it was used after the first decree of the senate, or 
else because it was looked upon as a matter of course.* 
Hadrian first assumed the title of pater patriae and his 
wife Sabina that of Augusta in the year 128 A.D.* 

In order to conquer the affections of the people as if by 
storm, the emperor, after his arrival, showered free gifts 
upon Rome and the empire with a prodigality which until 
then had been unheard of. Following the example of 
Trajan, he had already wholly remitted to Italy, and in part 
to the provinces, the gifts of homage {aurum coronarium\ 
which the cities and provinces were accustomed to make 
to the emperors on their accession.* Now, however, he 

^Suetonius, Tider. c. 68. Tacitus, Annul, i. 72. Pliny, Paneg, 21. 
Pertinax was shrewd enough to have himself called pater patriae the 
first day of his reign. Julius Capitolinus, Pertinax ^ c. 5. 

'The Acta Arvalia give Hadrian the title already before his arrival in 
Rome, the 3rd January 118 A.D. ; and there again on the 7th January 122 
A.D. Henzen, cli. clxiii. Some coins of Hadrian's first consulate bear 
the letters P,P, On the coins of the second (118 a.d.) the title is altogether 
wanting. The coins of the third (119 A.D.) and last of his consulates 
sometimes bear the title, sometimes omit it. Eckhel also remarks that 
the title on inscriptions never stands before Trib. Pot. xii., and shows 
from two Alexandrian coins that Hadrian assumed the title A.U.C. 881. 

* Duerr, p. 28 sq. 

* On the aurum coronarium^ Gellius, v. 6. Lipsius, De magn. Rom, ii. 
c 51. Casaubon on Spart. c. 6. Antoninus Pius also remitted the aurum 
coronarium^ Capitolinus, c. 4. 

ciiAP. viij The Great Remission of Debt 39 

astonished the empire by a magnificent remission of debt. 
He remitted, so Spartianus says, an immense sum which was 
due to the fiscus from private debtors in Rome and Italy, 
and also large sums in the provinces, after burning the 
bonds in the Forum of the deified Trajan in order to 
ensure absolute security to every one. Dion Cassius says : 
" As soon as he came to Rome he forgave all debts to the 
fiscus and the aerarium, which had been due for sixteen 
years." ^ Inscriptions have immortalized this famous action, 
and coins have been stamped to commemorate it, which 
represent a lictor, a staff in his left hand, and in his right a 
torch, with which he is burning a bundle of bonds which 
He on the ground; before him stand three figures, one with 
raised hand.* There is a similar representation on a marble 
relief that was excavated from the forum in Rome a few 
years since. 

The amount of the debt remitted would be in our money 
about nine millions sterling, and generosity on this scale, 
though not of this kind, was unexampled.' It proves how 
heavy the burden of taxation had become through Trajan's 
wars. The question is, — Whom did this remission benefit ? 
Spartianus clearly speaks only of the imperial treasury, and is 
ambiguous about the provinces, so that it is doubtful whether 
he means the imperial provinces only, or all the provinces 
in the empire. Dion connects the remission with both 
treasuries, the fiscus and the aerarium, and accordingly con- 
cludes that the latter was at the disposal of the emperor, 
and no longer exclusively at the disposal of the senate. 
But the Roman inscription, which speaks throughout only 
of the fiscus, contradicts such an interpretation. It cannot 

* Spart c 7. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 8. The Chronicon of Eusebius under 
the second consulate of Hadrian : 'Aaptar^ XP«^ 6^»XAf rc5r hw" a&r^ irAewr 
col iroXirdr rf hifUHrlif X^t^ dpriKo^at dw^Koyf/t, 

'Inscription from the Forum of Trajan (copied by Anonymus of 
Einsiedein), CJ.JL vi., n. 967. A fragmentary inscription of Hadrian, 
likewise from the Forum of Trajan, in the basement of the Capitol, museum 
apparently refers to the same remission. The coins in question, Eckhel, 
vi., p. 472. Cohen, ii., p. 208, n. 12 10 sg. : reliqua . VETERA . HS . 


'Augustus had already remitted debts. Suetonius, Au^, c. 32. 

40 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

therefore be proved that Hadrian's liberality extended to 
both treasuries.^ 

The great remission of debt embraced the arrears of six- 
teen years. Marcus Aurelius later on extended this favour 
to a further forty-six years.* Whether this financial amnesty 
of Hadrian led to a revision of arrears, every fifteen years, 
and so laid the foundation of the system of indictions of the 
time of Constantine, is uncertain.' 

The date of this remission is undoubtedly the year 1 1 8 
A.D., for this is shown by the inscription which records the 
second consulate of the emperor with that of Fuscus 
Salinator.* Evidently this act of grace was connected with 
the festivities in honour of Trajan, as the bones, were burnt 
in his Forum. /\, 

Hadrian, no doubt, performed other acts of generosity at 
the same time, giving money to the people, and insignia to 
the senators according to their rank, and relieving the 
provinces from the cost of the iniperial post. /v^--<^ 

He remained for more than two years in Rome. After 
he had held his second consulate in 1 1 8 A.D. with Cn. 
Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, he took the consular dignity 
again in the following year for the third time ^yith the Stoic 
philosopher, Q. Junius Rusticus, at all events for four months 

Hieronymus says only ''reliqua tributorum Urbis relaxavit," but 
Eusebius speaks of cities and citizens in general who were subject to the 
emperor. Scaliger (Animadv, in ChronoL Eusebiiy p. 193) understands 
merely " urbes Provinciar. Caesaris.'* Spanheim {De Praest, et Usu Num, 
Diss. ix. 812) explains this "reliqua'' as "publica et fiscalia debita." Tille- 
mont makes a distinction between " a thr^sor du prince et thr^sor public 
du prince," and confesses his uncertainty {Not surVEmp, Adr, 2, 3, 892 sq^ 
Centerwall (ibid, p. 66) thinks that the remission refers to both treasuries ; 
whereas O. Hirschfeld {Unters. caif d, Geb, der r'om, Verwidtungsgesck, 
i. 1876, p. 12) believes that the remission refers only to the fiscus. 
Peter (Gesch, Rotns^ iii. 2-174) separates the remission of the debts of 
the fiscus for Italy from those of the arrears of taxes for the provinces, 
and explains the passage in Spartianus accordingly. He assumes 
94-114 A.D. as the period. 
■ Pion Cassius, Ixxi. 32. ^ 7 rT i ' '^ ^ 7) 

' Mommsen (Rom, Staatsrecht^ ii., p. ^44) asserts it. Noris (Annus et Ep, 
Syrotnaced,^ page 174) denies it, as the remission comprised sixteen years. 
* Coins which testify to the remission in the third consulate of Hadrian 
are simply repetitions of this liberality. Occo, ed. Biragus, 1 70. 

CHAP. VII] Third Consulate 41 

until the end of April. It almost looks as if he despised the 
consulship, for he never afterwards took this office. All his 
later years are designated by the third consulate, and 
Hadrian still suffers from this caprice, as it has obscured, and 
made the chronological record of the acts of his reign almost 
impossible from the year 119 A.D., especially as the indication 
of the Potestas Tribunicia is generally missing on his coins 
and inscriptions. This Was the only power which Hadrian 
retained, and which had to be renewed on the day of 

On his birthday, the 24th January 119 A.D., Hadrian 
celebrated gladiatorial games in the amphitheatre, and threw 
gifts into the circus. He took great pains to secure the \^ 
goodwill of the people.* He was to be seen administering 
justice in the courts of the praetors and consuls, in the 
palace, in the Forum, in the Pantheon. He aimed only at 
being a servant of the people, as he told the senate. A 
woman with a petition once placed herself in his way, to 
whom he said, "I have no time now"; "Then be emperor 
no longer," cried the woman, and Hadrian turned round and 
granted her request.' He left nothing undone which could 
secure him the approval both of small and great He cared 
nothing for show. He was never attended by a brilliant 
escort He was accessible to all, he accepted invitations 
readily, and visited senators and knights like a private 
gentleman. He was amiable to persons of inferior rank, and 
he rebuked those who would deprive him of this " enjoyment 
of humanity" by reminding him of his imperial dignity.* 
In the palace, where he did not allow the freedmen to 
exercise any authority, he was temperate, but cheerful when 
at table with his friends. He liked to be surrounded by 

'According to his epitaph twenty-two times. From this it has been 
supposed that Hadrian transferred the renewal of the potestas tribunicia 
to the tst of January. Aschbach, Die Consulate der r. Kaiser^ p. 71, 
according to Borghesi, Giom. Arcad, ex., and letter to Henzen in Orelli, 
5459. But it seems that it was not renewed at New Year, but on the loth 
of December : M ommsen, Rdm, Staatsrecht^ ii. 799 sq. See also Duerr, 
Die Reisen des Kaiser Hadrian^ p. 19, note 58. 

' Plebis jactantissimus amator. — Spart. c. 17. 

* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 6. — A similar anecdote is related of Trajan, and 
referred to by Dante, Purg, cant x. * Spart c 20. 

42 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

learned men and artists. He made the historian Suetonius 
his secretary. 

His brother-in-law Servianus should have been his best 
friend, but this seems by no means to have been the case, 
for he remains in the background during the whole of 
Hadrian's reign. He appears nowhere among the statesmen 
of the emperor, although in 134 A.D. he was made consul 
for the third time. Attianus fell into disgrace. ^ Hadrian had 
made him, his old guardian, and Similis, prelects, and had 
given both men the highest power in the state and in his 
cabinet. Attianus had been his first confidant, and to his 
exertions he in great measure owed his adoption. It was 
Attianus who suggested the violent removal of the consulars. 
He had now however become inconvenient to the emperor,* 
who sacrificed him, not so much because he was afraid of 
seeing him become as great as Sejanus, but to make a show 
of atonement for the executions. The fall of his first minister 
was however so gentle, that it could not have been regarded 
as serious. If the account of Spartianus is correct, Hadrian 
certainly wished to put him to death, but in the end he only 
compelled him to resign his office as prefect. As compen- 
sation he left him the consular rank and the dignity of 
senator, which he considered the greatest distinction of all.* 

The successor of Attianus in the prefecture was Marcius 
Turbo, a general of the old Roman type. There is a 
story that when Hadrian once urged him to take rest, he 
replied in the words of Vespasian : "A prefect of the prae- 
torium must die standing." Similis too, the second prefect of 
the guard, resigned his post. Of the house of the Sulpicii, 
he was one of the purest characters in Rome at that time. 
He seems to have been imbued with the old republican 
spirit, which made it impossible for him to endure an imperial 
court for any length of time. He had been unwilling to 
accept office, and laid it down again with great joy to retire 
to his estate in the country. There he spent seven peaceful 
years. On his tomb he ordered these stoical words to be 
written, " Here lies Similis, who existed for so many years 

^Cum Attiani, praefecti sui et quondam tutoris, potentiam ferre non 
posset. — Spart. c. 9. 
' Nihil se amplius habere, quod in eum conferri posset. — Spart. c 8. 

CHAP. VII] Death of Matidia Augusta 43 

and lived seven."^ His successor in the prefecture was 
Septicius Clarus, a friend of the younger Ph'ny.* 

Immediately after the fall of these favourites, Hadrian 
made a journey into Campania or Southern Italy, where 
he loaded all the cities with benefits.' 

Directly afterwards his mother-in-law, Matidia Augusta, 
died. He paid the highest honours to her remains, and 
the senate consecrated her. At her burial in the end of 
December 1 1 9 A.D., gladiatorial games were given, and 
the emperor himself delivered a funeral oration, in which 
he praised her beauty, her kindness of heart, and gentleness. 
A fragment of this oration was found at Tivoli.* 

Spartianus has given the completion of the obsequies of 
Matidia as the date for Hadrian's departure into Gaul, i,e. 
for the beginning of his first great journey; but from the 
coins it appears that the emperor was still in Rome on the 
2 1 St of April 121 A.D.* These gold and cop|)er coins re- 
present on one side the head of Hadrian crowned with laurel, 
on the other side the figure of a woman seated, holding in 
her right hand a wheel, in her left three obelisks or cones. 
The legend denotes the circus games which had been estab- 
lished in the year 874 A.U.C., on the anniversary of the 
foundation of the city (the Palilia).® The old Roman 
shepherds* festival of the god of shepherds. Pales, on the 
21st of April, had been long looked upon as the foundation 
day of Rome ; but that Hadrian was the first to celebrate 
the Palilia as the birthday festival of the genius of Rome, 
and distinguish them by this official name, cannot exactly 

* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 19. —On Similis, Dorghesi, (Euvres^ iii. 127. 
*Spart. c. 8 and 9. These events fall at the end of 1 18, or certainly in 

the year 119. On Sept. Clarus, see Pliny, Ep. i. 115 ; vii. 28 ; viii. i. 

'Spart. c. 9: Summotis his a praefectura, quibus debebat imperium, 
Campaniam petit 

* Mommsen, AhhandL der Berliner Acad, 1863, P* 4^3 ^9* The Acta 
Artfolia record the consecration of Matidia on the 23rd December 119 
A.D. — Henxen, clviii. Consecration coins: Eckhel, vi., p. 471. 

•Duerr, p. 25 sq, 

* Eckhel, vi., p. 501. Cohen ii.', p. 1 18, n. 162. ANN . dccclxxhii . NAT . 
URBIS . P . CIR . CON. Mommsen {CLL, i., p. 391) reads " Natali Urbis 
Parilibus Circenses Constituti.** Cohen, though uncertain, reads 
"(primum?) circenses constituti." Foy-Vaillant reads "Populo." 

44 'I'he Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.vii 

be proved.^ In any case the emperor reorganized this 
festival, for these coins relate clearly to new circus games 
ordered by him in celebration of the festival of the city on 
the 2 1 St of April 121 A.D., and there is much in favour of 
the theory, though it cannot be proved, that on this day the 
foundation stone of the temple of Rome and Venus was laid 
by Hadrian.' It is also noteworthy that the coins do not 
precisely indicate that Hadrian must have been present in 
Rome on that day. 

^ Duerr, p. 26, asserts this, according to Athenaeus 8, 361, who says that 
since the erection of Hadrian's temple of Fortuna urbis, the festival 
formerly known as Parilia was called Romana. See Eckhel, vi., p. 502. 
Preller, Rom, Myth, ii.* 356. 

' Flemmer, p. 14 sq.^ rightly lays stress on the fact that the coin does not 
mention the laying of the foundation stone of the temple, whereas there are 
coins that distinctly refer to the temple. — Eckhel, vi., p. 51a 


General Remarks on HadriatCs yourneys. Coins which 

commemorate them 

Hadrian had spent his first years in Rome in laying the 
foundations of his policy and of the government of the 
empire. His throne stood firm. He had won the senate 
by respecting its rights, the people and the army by his 
liberality ; and the great number of distinguished statesmen 
whom the time of Trajan had produced, and with some of 
whom he was acquainted, aided him in his task of govern- 
ment Now, however, he was anxious to learn the condition 
of the provinces of the empire from personal observation, 
and he made long journeys through them. 

Augustus, too, had spent some eleven years away from 
Italy, and had visited every country of the empire, with the 
exception of Africa and Sardinia; but Hadrian made his 
journeys on a definite plan.^ They are a unique phenomenon 
in the history of all ancient and modern princes. Neither 
wars nor conquests urged him into distant countries, like 
his predecessor Trajan, whom the old Roman principle 
of the extension of the empire had carried to the gates 
of India. Hadrian on the contrary dared to keep the 
temple of Janus closed, and to declare the Roman empire 
stationary within the limits fixed by himself.* 

^ Suetonius, Aug, c. 47 : nee est, ut opinor, provincia, excepta dum taxat 
Africa et Sardinia, quam non adierit. 

•This is probably represented by the coiA of tellus . stabilita, Cohen, 
it., p. 225, n. 1429 sq, A woman reclining on the ground, supported by a 
basket of fruit, and carrying the globe ; sometimes she holds in her 
left hand a vine branch. 

46 The Emperor Hadrian [hook i 

Was not this empire which embraced the whole 
civilized world wide enough to satisfy the ambition of 
Caesar? and could not in future the strength of the state 
be spent in its preservation and well-being ? 

The journeys of Hadrian are the more remarkable, as 
they portray the Roman emperor in quite a new relation to 
the Orbis Romanus. The gigantic geographical works of 
Strabo and Pliny had spread a knowledge of the world in 
Greek and Latin literature ; Hadrian made it a personal 
task and business for the sovereign. Hitherto the city of 
Rome alone had represented the world, and the provinces 
had merely been utilized by the Caesars as supplies for the 
all-devouring capital. Hadrian was the first to look upon 
the empire as a whole, and upon all its parts as equal 
among themselves, equal even to Rome. 

He passes through the countries, carrying blessings and 
peace with him, from the borders of Caledonia to the shores 
of the Red Sea, from the columns of Hercules on the 
Mediterranean to the oasis of Palmyra in the desert of Syria. 
New cities arise at his nod, and ancient cities are restored. 
Many are called after him Hadriana and Aelia. He appears 
everywhere ordering and creating, and everywhere he leaves 
benefits behind him. By his own age he was probably 
compared to the wandering Hercules, and from the same 
feeling he was called the new Dionysus.^ Apart from his 
deep love of Hellenism, his nature was touched by the 
distinguishing characteristic of the men of the Renaissance 
of the fifteenth century, by the ardent desire to know 
everything worth knowing, and to unveil all mysteries. 
Spartianus says that he was so fond of travel that he wished 
to see everything that he had heard about the places of the 
earth, with his own eyes, and Tertullian has called him 
the inquirer into all curiosities.' The passion to know 
foreign countries and people, the thirst for knowledge of a 
restless mind, drove the emperor of Rome from land to 
land, and the consciousness that this large and beautiful 
world through which he wandered, belonged to him as its 

^Eckhel, vi., p. 504, coin with HERO. Gadit. More in Flemmer, 
p. 35. Of Hadrian as new Dionysus later. 
* Curiositatum omnium explorator. — Tertullian, €uiv. Gentes^ c. 5. 

CHAP, viii] His Journeys 47 

niier, must have filled him with an almost divine satis- 

With the feelings of a modem traveller, Hadrian ascends 
high mountains to enjoy the sunrise and the view over land 
and sea. He sails up the mysterious Nile, and revels in the 
wonders of the days of the Pharaohs. Like a sentimental 
traveller, he writes his name on the statue of Memnon. He 
goes into ecstasies over the monuments of famous historical 
cities in Hellas and Asia. He restores their temples. He 
visits the graves of the heroes in Ilium, of Pompey in 
Pelusium, of Miltiades and Epaminondas, and even of 
Alcibiades in Melissa. In Trebizond he allows his statue to 
be erected on the spot where Xenophon and the remnant of 
the Ten Thousand had again reached the sea. He is initiated 
in the Eleusinian mysteries. He observes with a fine irony 
the customs and religions of nations, and he discusses 
questions of grammar and philosophy with the learned men 
of Athens, Smyrna, and Alexandria. But it is the same 
traveller too who reviews, with the eye of a Roman com- 
mander, the legions on the frontiers of the empire ; he builds 
gigantic walls and fortresses, and restores the relaxed dis- 
cipline of the troops. 

Dion, indeed, has looked at the objects of Hadrian's 
journeys merely from a military point of view when he says: 
" The emperor travelled from one province to another, visited 
countries and cities, castles and fortresses, of which he built 
some at a more convenient place, some he allowed to fall 
into ruins, while others he strengthened. He directed his 
attention, not only to military concerns generally — to arms, 
engines, trenches, walls, and fortifications — but also to 
the smallest details, and to the character of every soldier 
and officer. He braced and strengthened manners that had 
become effeminate, he exercised the army in every kind of 
combat, alternately bestowing praise and blame, and teach- 
ing every man his duty."* 

Orders of the day and coins with the legend Exercitus 
and Disciplina prove his care in these matters, while there 
are none in existence of the warlike Trajan. The military 
organization of the empire was certainly the first condition 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 9. 

48 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

of its existence, and just because Hadrian did not wish to 
wage war, he secured peace by his careful development of 
the Roman army.^ He visited the camps of the l^ions on 
many frontiers, and established firm lines around the Roman 
territory at the most dangerous points, in order to protect 
civilization from the inroads of the barbarians. Rome was 
never safer from these incursions than during the peaceful 
reign of Hadrian. He improved the military system, and 
his regulations lasted until the time of Constantine. 

But Hadrian inquired into all other branches of govern- 
ment in the provinces. He makes the ubiquity of the prince 
a new principle of the monarchy, whose first officer he wishes 
to be considered. The Disciplina Augusti becomes under 
him a conception of government which is not applied to the 
army alone. It means Roman culture stamped in permanent 
form by the laws of the monarchy, and the practice of a wise 
government. When this discipline declines, Rome too will fall. 

Everywhere Hadrian sets up his tribunal as a judge. 
Bad administrators and governors he punishes with severity. 
His sharp eyes are not to be deceived. The fortunes of his 
subjects were never put before him in painted colours. He 
regulates the finances of the provinces ; he gives constitutions 
to the cities, and founds colonies ; he builds streets and 
harbours ; he promotes arts and science, trade and agri- 
culture. The personal inclinations of the man, combined 
with the serious duty of the ruler, made him that great 
traveller in the imperial purple, the wonder of his own age 
and of posterity. 

Hadrian by his Spartan simplicity afforded the Roman 
satirists, who ridiculed the effeminate luxury of fashionable 
travellers, no opportunity for sarcasm.' He travelled with- 
out state and with few followers.* On his marches he faced 
the hardships of every climate, always with head uncovered, 
on horseback or on foot, but never in a carriage. He often 

* Hadrian took over thirty legions from Trajan. Of these he lost the 
leg. IX. in Britain, and in Judaea the leg. xxil. Deiotariana. Pfitzner, 
Gesck, derrom, Kaiserlv^onetiy 1881, p. 94 sq, ; "Bestand dcr 28 Legionen," 
p. 97. 

» Verses of Floras: ^^^ „^,^ caesar esse. 

Ambulare per Britannos, etc 

'Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10. 

CHAP, viii] His Journeys 49 

marched miles in front of his attendants, armed like a 
Roman footsoldier, in order, like Trajan, to set his soldiers 
an example. In camp he shared their fare. A Roman 
historian has ventured to say of him that he travelled 
through all the provinces of the Roman world on foot* 

The friends of a Roman emperor, who were usually called 
his ** attendants " {comites\ never deserved their name better 
than under him. A few are known to us as his travelling 
companions, such as Antinous and Verus.' On the Nile his 
wife Sabina accompanied him with her court. He took his 
secretary with him, perhaps on one occasion the historian 
Suetonius. Instead of cohorts of soldiers (only a small 
number of the praetorians served as his guard) he was 
accompanied by crowds of engineers and artisans, whom he 
employed on his buildings. 

He treated the provinces with as much affection as Rome ; 
distinguishing indeed Athens, the capital of intellect, more 
than Rome, the capital of power. He never levied contri- 
butions upon the countries through which he travelled, as 
Nero and his rapacious followers had formerly plundered 
Hellas. He entered the countries of the empire as un- 
assumingly as a private gentleman, and quitted them as an 
imperial benefactor. What happiness it must have been for 
him to receive, and at the same time deserve, the homage of 
old and famous cities I As Homer says of Odysseus, so 
might Hadrian boast of himself, that he had learnt to know 
many cities and customs of men. Dion says of him : " He 
visited more cities than any other ruler, and to all he was 
benevolent ; he gave them aqueducts and harbours, com and 
gold, buildings and honours of many kinds."' 

In our time of steamboats and railways, the traveller 
Hadrian who fearlessly, but with unheard-of difficulty, pene- 
trated into the most untrodden parts of the world, offers a 
strange spectacle. Kings of the present time might envy 
this emperor of Rome; and if another proof is wanting that 
this age belongs to the happiest period of humanity, it may 

* AurcL Victor, Epit 14. Eutrop. viii. 7. 

'AT*. Coisemius^ comes in otienteoi Hadrian, in Renter, Inscr, rom, de 

fAlgMe^ n. 18 17. 

' Dion CassiuSt Ixix. 5. 


so The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

be found in the fact that it produced as its ruler the great 
traveller Hadrian. 

He doubtless made notes of what he heard and saw, and 
used them later in his Memoirs, Unfortunately they are 
lost ; only one letter of Hadrian, written from Egypt to his 
brother-in-law Servianus, has been preserved, and it shows how 
keen were his powers of observation. His view of the world 
and of mankind would have been more instructive to us than 
the whole declamatory literature of the Sophists of that time. 
As the journeys of Hadrian were in themselves the greatest 
evidence of Hadrian's activity as a ruler, the loss of correct 
information about them is greatly to be regretted. The 
statements of Spartianus, and the extracts of Xiphilinus from 
Dion Cassius present only a number of confused notes, and 
this lack of information cannot be adequately supplied by 
such records as we possess referring to the journeys of the 
emperor. These records are inscriptions from the cities and 
provinces, and above all, numerous coins which were struck 
in memory of his visit and residence. 

Among the coins are some which have no local allusion, 
but simply wish the emperor a prosperous journey. They 
represent a ship sailing, with Hadrian seated, the figure of a 
god accompanying him ; dolphins and sea monsters play 
around the boat, and on the sail is written " Good luck to 
Augustus."^ The coins in gold, silver, and copper from 
twenty-five provinces form a priceless collection of local 
monuments, which in this way have' never been historically 
repeated. The most numerous are those which commemorate 
the arrival {adventus) of the emperor in a province, and those 
which honour him as restorer {restitutor) of a country or of 
a city.* It is noticeable that no exception is made in the 
case of Italy, but that it is on the same footing with the 
other provinces.* 

' FKLICITATI . AUG. Cohen, ii., p. i6i, n. 651 sq, 


Vaillant, Numismata^ i. 60 sq.^ and passim in the works on coinage. The 
classification of the travelling coins, according to Eckhel, vi. 475 x^., in 
Greppo, M^moire sur Us Voyages de PEmp, Hadrien^ c. 2. 

' ADVENTUl . AUG . ITALIAK, Or merely AD . AUG . S . C— FORTUNAB. RB- 

DUCI ; ITALIA . FELIX (with cornucopia and lance); restitutori . italiae. 

CHAP, viiij Coins of the Emperor 51 

The coins of arrival depict on the reverse side the emperor 
before the figure of a woman who represents the genius of 
the province ; she sacrifices before an altar, or she offers her 
hand to the emperor. The genius sometimes represents a 
divinity of the country, like Isis and Serapis in Alexandria.* 
Rome too had many opportunities of recording the return of 
Hadrian. But on the coins which refer to such an event, the 
name of Rome is always wanting ; the genius of the city is 
depicted, seated on armour and offering her hand to the 
emperor, or Hadrian is on horseback, followed by two 
warriors, while Rome helmeted offers him a branch ; behind 
are the seven hills, and below the god Tiber.* 

On the coins of restoration Hadrian is represented standing 
upright in the act of raising a woman who kneels before 
him.* So extremely numerous were the restorations which 
this emperor carried out that they were commemorated on 
coins which designated him "Restorer" or "Saviour of the 
world/* a designation which would appear a grand expression 
of the Roman consciousness of sovereign dominion, were 
it not at the same time a proof of the slavish flattery of 
the people to their despots. For Nero had already caused 
himself to be described on coins as " Saviour of the world." * 
The earth is represented as a noble woman, on her head a 
mural crown, on her lap a globe, the emperor raising her 
from an attitude of humility.^ A coin with the beautiful 
legend, " Golden age," has the same signification ; a half- 
clad genius stands within a circle, which he touches with 
his right hand, while in his left he holds a globe, upon 
which is seated a phoenix.* These remarkable coins at all 
events teach us that the age of Hadrian was conscious of its 
good fortune under the blessings of peace. In the same way 

'Cohen, ii., p. 108, n. 18. 

• ADVENTUI . AUG . P . M . P . P. Foy-Vaillant, iii. 1 1 5. 
'So Achaia, Cohen, ii., p. 209, n. 12 14. Judaea, n. 547, yet without the 
epithet Restitutori, Eckhel, vi. 446. 
^ Eckhel, vi. 278 : r j vtari^pi r^ oUov/Uwrn. There is also a coin of 

Augustus with SALUS . GENERIS . HUMANI. Eckhel, VI., p. io8. 

•rESTITUTORI . ORBIS . TERRARUM, Cohen, ii., p. 214, n. 1285. TELLUS . 

STADIL., p. 225, n. 1435. '^^c earth with cornucopia, in front, the globe 
and four children, the seasons. Similarly, n. 1436, temporum . felicitas. 
*SAEC . AUR .P.M. TRIB . p . COS . III. Foy-Vailiant, iL 148. 

52 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.viii 

the coins which record the benevolence of Hadrian are mag- 
nificently summed up in one which terms him *' Enricher of 
the worid."* 

The number of places which the emperor visited and 
loaded with benefits, is shown by the coins struck in his 
honour by the different cities, even if they seldom record 
particular facts.* In addition come the number of those 
which refer to the reviews of troops in particular provinces ; 
the emperor is seated on horseback in front of the soldiers, or 
he is speaking to them from a stage.' 

But the drawback generally to any chronological use that 
can be made of Hadrian's coins is, that they do not belong 
to the year in which the emperor visited the particular pro- 
vinces ; indeed, they are chiefly of later date, and were even 
struck in Rome by the senate. The number of times that 
he had held the tribunitian power is nearly always wanting ; 
the coins are distinguished only by the third consulate of the 
emperor (in 119 A.D.), and as Hadrian did not fill this office 
again, the third consulate lasted until his death, and it 
becomes impossible to fix the year. 

The journeys of Hadrian can only be fixed as epochs, and 
the particular year can seldom be given. All attempts to do 
this by the help of records and of scanty historical information 
have been unsuccessful from the time of Scaliger and Pagi» 
from Tillemont and Eckhel until our own day.^ 

^ LOCUPLETATORl . ORBIS . TERRARUM. Cohen, il., p. 185, IL 95a 

'Compiled by Foy-Vaillant, Numismata cdia ImptrcUor—in coloniis^ 
municipiis — Hadrianus^ P* IS3 '^^- 

'exercitus, with the name of the province, disciplina . aug. and 
DECURSio. Eckhel, vi., p. 503. Cohen, ii., n. 553 j^., 589 sq, 

^ The journeys of Hadrian have principally been commented on by J. 
M. Flemmcr, Comtnent de itinerib. et reb, gestis Hadriani Imf.^ Havniae, 
1836 ; J. (}. H. Grcppo, Mdmoirt surUs Voyages de PEfnp, Hatiricn, Taris, 
1842 ; and also by J. Duerr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian, This 
monograph has been most carefully compiled from the documentary 
material, which has been considerably enlarged during late years, and is 
therefore a valuable contribution to the history of this period. I hope it 
may be the precursor of a complete work on the state of the empire 
under Hadrian. 


Hadrians youmeys into Gaul and Germany as far as 
the Danubian Provinces. The Condition of these 

In the year 120 or 121 A.D., Hadrian left Rome to start on 
his first great imperial journey in the west of Europe. Of the 
two divisions of the empire, the western provinces, with the 
exception of Italy and Spain, had only become Roman 
under Julius Caesar, and consequently were an acquisition 
of the monarchy. These countries of the Celts, Sarmatians, 
and Germans, from the Alps to the Danube, and from Gaul 
to Britain, which were looked upon by the Romans as 
barbarous and without history of their own, were not cal- 
culated to excite the emperor's desire for travel, either by 
the beauty of their scenery or by the importance of their 
dties. He was in the first instance, therefore, impelled to 
visit them by his duties and aims as a sovereign. Hadrian 
perceived that the fortunes of Rome were not to be estab- 
lished in the East, to which Trajan had shown so great a 
partiality, but in the western countries of the Germans and 
Celts. History indeed, had shown the Romans that the 
duration of their empire depended not on the events which 
happened on the distant Euphrates, but on what took place 
on the Danube and the Rhine. There lay the Achilles' 
tendon of Rome close to Italy, and Britain itself was con- 
sidered the furthest Roman bulwark for the purpose of 
preventing the Celts and Germans from crossing the sea in 
their thirst for conquest 

Hadrian went first into Gaul ; by which road, or whether 

54 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

accompanied by his wife Sabina, we do not know. For 
Spartianus dismisses this Gallic journey with a few words. 
Coins record the arrival of the emperor.^ He probably 
landed at Massilia« This famous colony of the Phocaeans 
was still a free city allied to Rome, entirely Greek in con- 
stitution and culture. It shone by its schools of science, 
and flourished by its extensive Mediterranean trade. That 
Hadrian sailed on the Rhone seems to be proved by an 
inscription made by the sailors of this river.* 

Gaul, already a rich and flourishing country, consisted at 
this time of four provinces : Narbonensis, which was governed 
by the senate, and Aquitania, Lugdunensis and Belgica, which 
were ruled by the emperor's praetorian legates. Lugdunum 
(Lyons) was the capital of these three last provinces, and 
there stood the altar of Rome and of Augustus, the symbol 
of the Roman empire and the Roman power, to which the 
subject nations were obliged to pay divine honour.' There 
on the 1st August the Gallic diet annually assembled. 
Other cities had greatly developed, such as Narbonne, 
Nismes, Aries, Bordeaux, and Toulouse. Lutetia (Paris), 
where Julius Caesar had once assembled a council of the 
Gauls, was already a thriving place of trade.^ The whole 
country as far as Treves was so highly civilized by Roman 
culture, that later on, after the fall of the empire, it formed 
the nucleus of new Europe. 

We do not know what improvements Hadrian made in 
this well regulated province ; the title of " Restorer," which 
is given to him on the coins, may refer to the Latin right 
which he bestowed upon the province Narbonensis and 
upon other parts of Gaul.* 

' Eckhel, vi. 494. 

« HADRIANO . AUG . P . M . TR . POT . Ill . COS . Ill . N(AUTAE). RHODANICI . 

PRINCIPI . INDULGENTISSIMO, from Toumoii. Flemmer, p. 12. Greppo, 
p. 85. 

'According to Strabo, 192, the altar contained the names of sixty tribes, 
and each was represented by a monument. 

*The name Uapiaiw. is already known to Strabo (194). 

'Zumpt, Comm. Ep, !., c. 6, p. 410, enumerates the following cities as 
having received new rights from Hadrian : Aquae Sextiae, Avenio, 
Cabellio, Nemausus, Tolosa, Acusium, Mantuna, Reii, Kuscino, Apta Julia. 

CHAP. IX] Hadrian in Germany 55 

From there he went to Germany. Tacitus was the first 
to revive the interest of Rome in this country, which was 
plunged, for the most part, in gloom and obscurity, though 
Its people were full of vigour and were ardent for liberty. 
The emperors had always been aware of the danger which 
threatened the empire from this quarter. Caesar had con- 
quered the banks of the Rhine in order to protect Gaul. 
Augustus wished to be master of Germany as far as the 
Elbe, and to make it into a proper province, but his plan was 
not carried out, and the consequence of the defeat of Varus 
was that Rome lost most of her fortresses east of the Rhine, 
until Domitian again pushed forward the boundary. 

The Roman territory on the Rhine was then divided into 
the districts Germania superior and inferior^ which were 
governed by consular legates. In Upper Germany the 
strong city Mayence (Moguntiacum) was the capital, and the 
seat of the military governor. Other places, like Worms 
(Borbetomagus), Spire (Spira), Strasburg (Argentoratum), 
and Augusta Rauracorum (Basel) flourished greatly.* East- 
wards from the Rhine and northwards from the Danube, 
Upper Germany included the countries which had been 
civilized by Roman colonists (decumates), whose develop- 
ment in the time of the emperors is proved by inscriptions 
and ruins from Baden to Tubingen and the Odenwald.* 
Trajan had made roads there, and had built forts, his most 
important work being Baden-Baden.* The district of Hel- 
vetia belonged also to Upper Germany, and here too Roman 
civilization flourished, protected by the limes or boundary 

Lx)wcr Germany, the Batavian country on the Lower. 
Rhine, however scarcely stretched beyond the river in the 
time of Hadrian. Its capital, the former town of the Ubii, 
was Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), where an altar of Augustus, 

'Suasburg, first mentioned by Ptolemy, became the junction of the 
roads which led from Pannonia, Raetia, and Italy into eastern and 
northern GauL — Mannert, ii. i, p. 227. 

• Ukert, iii. i, p. 267 j^., 286 sq. The expression Decumates agri is only 
found in Tacitus, Germ, 32. 

• Francke, Gesch. Trojans^ p. 59. 

• Mommsen, Die Schwein in rbmischer Zeit^ p. 1 1. 

$6 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

the Ara Ubiorum^ reminded the subject Germans east of the 
Rhine, that they were vassals of Rome and of the divine 

The origin and government of these two Germanic pro- 
vinces has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Until the 
time of Constantine they seem to have had no separate ad- 
ministration, but to have been great military districts under 
the command of the legates of the army, who were stationed 
at Mayence and Cologne, while as belonging to Gaul they 
were governed by the procurator of the province Belgica.* 

Hadrian marched through the Roman district of Germania 
and visited the fixed quarters of the legions and the colonies. 
Spartianus has devoted a whole chapter to this journey of 
the emperor, but does little more than remark on the pains 
he took about the discipline of the army. From the time of 
Octavius the choicest troops of Rome were stationed in both 
Germanics, first eight l^ions and then fewer.^ Fladrian 
found the military discipline relaxed, and he removed every- 
thing from the camps which could enervate the soldiers. 
He was thoughtful about their surroundings, he visited their 
hospitals, and cared for their welfare; but he punished deser- 
tion severely, and forbade the abuse pf the sale of leave by 
the officers. He acted in the same way in all the other 
provinces. We have general orders of his, and a list of 
military diplomas, in which he gave citizenship and the right 

^ On this opinion (which rests on Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy), advanced 
by Fechter and renewed by Mommsen, see O. Hirschfeld, Die yitrtuai- 
tung der RheinfrrenMe in der ersten j Jahrhunderten der rbm, Kaiserxeit^ 
p. 434 sq, Marquardt (Rom. Staaisv. i. 273) credits the Emperor Tiberius 
(17 A.D.) with the organization of the two Germanies as military provinces, 
which however stood to Gallia in the same relation as later Numidia to 
Africa, inasmuch as they belonged to the administration of the U^atus 
Betgicae. See also £. Huebner, Der rbm, Grenzwall in Germanien^ 
p. 41. The military commanders there were called in the first century, 
Ugatus exerc, superioris or inferioris^ but already in the second, legtUus 
pro praetore Gertnaniae sup, or in/.^ and leg. imp. Cesaris Antonini Aug. 
Pii^ pro praet. German, superioris et exercitus in ea tendentis. — Jung., 
Rom. Landsch.^ p. \^^ sq. 

'Pfitzner, p. 136, mentions for the years 107-120 A.D., in Germania 
superior, the legio viii. Aug., xxn. Primigenia; in Germ, inferior, 
I. Minervia, Vl. Victrix, XXX. Ulpia. 

CHAP. IX] Condition of Germany 57 

of connubium to soldiers who had served their time.^ A 
warrior prince without war, he was beloved by the army, and 
he never had to fear a rising among the legions. 

He paid attention also to the finances of the German 
countries. His coins bear simply the name of Germania and 
Exercitus Gertnanicus, The country is represented as a 
woman with spear and shield. On the coins of the army 
the emperor appears on horseback addressing the soldiers.* 
There arc, however, no coins of arrival and restoration for 
Germany, and this deficiency supports the opinion, though it 
may not quite establish it, that Gemiania superior and 
inferior did not constitute a separate administrative area, but 
were assigned to Belgium. 

There is no historical evidence for the theory, though 
there are good reasons for supposing that the continuation of 
the limes begun by Domitian, was the work of Trajan and 
Hadrian. These gigantic lines of fortification, sixty miles in 
length, whose remains are now called "Walls of the devil," or 
Pfahlgraben, enclose the Agri decumates from Kehlheim on 
the Danube across the Maine as far as the confluence of the 
Lahn and the Rhine. They secured the safety of both 
Germanics and of northern Raetia as boundaries of the 
Roman empire against the irruption of the free Germans 
from the east. As Hadrian caused a similar wall to be built 
in Britain, we may venture to ascribe the completion of the 
German wall to him, particularly as Spartian speaks of more 
lines of this kind in Hadrian's time.* 

In consequence of these strong barriers the German 
frontier long remained quiet. Not until the Antonines did 
the Catti, and then the Marcomanni rise again. Hadrian's 

^To the veterans he gave the right over the peculium castrense^ to 
dispose by will of the fortunes they had earned during service. Inst lib. 
il. Tit xii. Renier Recueil de Diplomes militaires^ Paris 1876. PRIVILEGIA . 
ifiLlTUM, etc., C./.Z.. Hi. 2, p. 834 sq, 

* Eckhel, vi. 494. 

' Spart c. 1 2. C. Arnd, Der Pfahlgraben nach den neuesien Forschungen^ 
1861, and the literature concerning it, in E. Huebner, Der rbm, Grennvall 
in Germanien, According to him, Hadrian separated the two Germanies 
from Gallia in consequence of this limes. See also O. Hirschfeld, Ih'e 
Verwaltung der RhiingrenMi^ etc. 

58 The Emperor Hadrian [book r 

travels in Germany were generally beneficial to the Rhine- 
land, and they were the first means since the days of Tacitus 
of diffusing fresh information about this central part of 
Europe. But on the other side of the limes lay the uncon- 
quered Germania magna of Ptolemy, with its tribes which 
were scarcely known by name. • According to the account 
of Spartianus, Hadrian gave a king to one of these races, 
and he goes on to say that the Roman rule prevailed over 
the land, but at the same time the empire submitted to pay 
subsidies to the princes of the barbarians. But this could 
only have been on the borders of the Roman territory, as 
the interior of Germany remained closed to the Romans. 
The deepest obscurity shrouded the forest-covered countries 
as far as the Oder and Vistula, whose people bear unknown 
names in the map of Ptolemy, while the places which the 
distinguished geographer marked do not indicate cities but 

In Hadrian's time the streng^th of the German people, of 
the Goths, the Vandals, the Lombards, and the Saxons lay 
dormant in impenetrable countries, which remained undis- 
turbed by Roman influence even when it was greatest and 
most formidable. Not even a Tacitus could have foreseen 
the future of this savage wilderness. Gaul, on the other 
side of the Rhine, became rich by its proximity to the sea, 
by more favourable natural conditions, and by the early 
enjoyment of Roman civilization ; Germany, on this side of 
the stream, remained condemned to poverty, and to a longer 
period of barbarity, but it preserved its powerful primitive 
speech and its racial character. It appears first in the history 
of the world after its migratory tribes had destroyed the 
Roman empire. It first adopted Roman civilization through 
the medium of Christian Rome, and revived the name of the 
universal empire when the high priest of Christianity erected 
his throne on the ruins of the imperial power. The Refor- 
mation, of the Church would not have been begun or would 
not have been carried out, if the whole of Germany had, like 
Gaul and Spain, become a Roman province. 

During his first residence in Germany, which was of some 
duration, Hadrian probably visited the provinces of Raetia 

* Kiepert, Lehrbuch der alt en Geographic^ i. 46$. 

CHAP, ix] The Danubian Provinces 59 

and Noricum, and even Pannonia.^ Of these partially Celtic 
countries of the Danube, which Claudius had first set in 
order, Raetia and the "kingdom "of Noricum were governed 
by imperial procurators, without much display of troops, 
while Pannonia was under a consular legate of the emperor^ 
and was of the highest military importance, as an eastern 
bulwark between the Danube and the Alps. On this 
account it was strongly fortified. In Upper Pannonia it was 
of importance to strengthen the line of the Danube. This 
was done at Mursa, not far from the junction of the Danube 
with the Drave, and this place (the .Esseg of to-day) was 
made by Hadrian into the colony Aelia Mursa ; further on 
Aelium Aquincum (Alt-Ofen), which was a municipium 
from the time of Hadrian, was also fortified. Still further 
up, Brigetio, Aelium Carnuntum, and Vindobona, the fore- 
runner of Vienna, where the Xth legion Gemina lay, pro- 
tected the Danube.* In Upper Pannonia Hadrian seems 
to have subdued the district from Noviodunum to the 
Alpine country of the Carni above Aquileia, to have united 
it with Italy, and to have bestowed citizenship upon it* 

The emperor returned from the Danube to the Rhine, 
As a Forum Adriani in the neighbourhood of Lugdunum 
Batavorum is called after him, it is probable that he then 
went from the lower Rhine to Britain by sea.* 

' Flemmer and Duerr very rightly think so because no more suitable 
time can be found for it. See the coins mentioned by Flemmer, p. 17 sg,v 
BXBR . NORICUS . RHAETICUS, and in Duerr, p. 35, the cities favoured or 
built by Hadrian : Aelia Ovilava, Cetium, Vindobona, Carnuntum, Brigetio, 
Aquincum, Solva, Abudiacum. — Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg, a vicus 
founded by Augustus, in Ptolemy an oppidum) was no colony, but was 
created a city by Hadrian, and adopted the name Aelia, CLL, iii. ^, p. 71 1. 
Zumpt denies the colony Juvavum (Salzburg) ascribed to Hadrian, 
Comment, Ep. i. 417. Sec also Mommscn, CLL, iii. 2, p. 669. 

' MURSENSBS . CONDITORI . suo, C./.Z. iii., n. 3279. Aelia Mursa, iii., p. 
423. Aquincum, p. 439. According to Mommsen, Die romischen Lager* 
siadte^ p. 323, it is probable that Hadrian granted municipal rights to 
Canahae of the three great camps on the middle Danube, Carnuntum 
(Petronell), Aquincum, and Viminiacum (Costolat). 

*CJ,L, iii., n. 3915, inscription in honour of Hadrian of the Aelii Carni 
Cives Romani ; see also Mommsen's notes, p. 498. 

^Greppo, p. 71, assumes this from the Tabula Peutingeriana. See also 
Flemmer, p. 19. Duerr, p. 36. 


Hadrian in Britain, He goes through Gaul to Spain 

and to Mauretania 

Britain had not long been brought under the dominion of 
Rome. Julius Caesar was the first Roman general who had 
entered the country. The conquest of the island was after- 
wards attempted by Claudius in 43 A.D., and the colony 
of Camalodunum founded. His successors continued the 
undertaking. The names of Paulinus Suetonius, Cerealis, 
and Agricola are conspicuous in these bold and difficult 
expeditions, which resulted in the subjection of Britain as 
far as the Clyde. Agricola built a strong wall between the 
Firths of Forth and Clyde, and this line, stretching between 
the Glasgow and Edinburgh of to-day, was the most northerly 
limit which the Romans reached in Scotland. Nerva and 
even Trajan appear to have given up the war of conquest on 
the further side of Northumberland. Under Trajan, York 
(Eburacum) the former capital of the warlike Brigantes, 
became the capital of the province, the seat of the governor, 
and the place where all the Roman roads met. 

Late in the time of Trajan, and in the early days of 
Hadrian's reign, the people of the Brigantes were in vio- 
lent insurrection, and the Romans suffered serious losses.^ 
Hadrian, therefore, sent troops to Britain under M. Maenius 
Agrippa and T. Pontius Sabinus.* The ixth legion, which 

^ Spart c. 5 : Britanni teneri sub romana ditione non poterant Fronto, 
de bello Parthico^ p* 144 : Ouid? avo vestro Hadriano imperium obtinente 
quantum militum a . . . Britannis caesum. 

' The inscription in Henzen-Orelli, 804, speaks of Agrippa as ^'electum 
a Divo Hadriano et missum in exped. Britannicam tribun. cohortis I. 

BK.I. cH.x] Hadrian in Britain 6i 

was stationed at York, had been cut to pieces in the war, 
so that it had to be replaced by the Vlth Victrix from Castra 
Vetera on the Lower Rhine.* The insurrection,- however, 
must have been quelled before Hadrian reached the island, 
for there is nothing to prove his own active share in the 
war.* Coins exist which record the arrival of the emperor 
in Britain, and his reviews of the troops there, but his coins 
of restoration are wanting for this country as well as for 

As he was convinced that the country could not be held 
as far as Agricola's boundary wall, he decided to build 
another further south, and to separate Roman civilization 
from the wild Caledonians by an impassable barrier. For 
this division no better line could be found than that between 
Carlisle and Newcastle from sea to sea. The Wall of the 
Picts, the remains of Hadrian's gigantic work, the counter- 
part to the limes in Germany, is still standing. This 
wonderful system of forts was begun in 122 A.D. Inscrip- 

Hispanor. equitatae." Subsequently he is "praefectus classis Britanniae 

et procur. prov. Brit" See in reference to him C./.Z. vii., n. 379-382. 

Sabinus probably was sent to Britain in the beginning of Hadrian's reign. 

Bull, (L Inst 1 85 1, p. 136. He conducted cavalry to Britain of leg. vil. 

Gemina, vili. Augusta, xxii. Primigenia. Henzen, 5456. Pfitzner,. 

p. 92, 246. Huebner (^ifnw^j, 1881, 547). 

'Huebner, C/.A., vii., n. 241, according to Borghesi, iv. 115, and in 

HertneSy 1881, p. 546. Henzen, 3186. 

• The verses of Florus : 

Ego nolo Caesar esse 

Ambulare per Britannos, 

have, according to Huebner (C./.Z., p. 100), reference to the expedition of 
Hadrian to Britain, which is, however, a misconception of the term 
amhulare* Florus thinks only of the barren countries in general, and 
therefore chooses Britain as ultima Thule. Eutrop. 8, 3, says of Hadrian : 
"Pacem omni tempore imperii sui habuit" and once only did he wage war 
by means of a legate. Pfitzner, p. 91, believes that the war in Britain 
was the only one which Hadrian carried on personally, but he does not 
prove it The inscription 806 in Orelli, where Hadrian is called Briton- 
m'cus, is not genuine. It goes without saying, that the expedition coins 
(in Cohen, ii., n. 589-593X where Hadrian is represented seated on horse- 
back, with or without lance, are no proof of his presence at a war. 


vii., n. 498, mutilated inscription from the military station Segedunum,. 
apparently a laudatory address of Hadrian to the army in Britain. 

62 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

tions prove that the work was carried on under Hadrian by 
the legate Aulus Platorius Nepos of the llnd legion ; but 
the Vlth • Victrix and the XXth Valeria Victrix were also 
engaged in it* . 

The wall was eighty Roman or sixtodn geographical miles 
in length, and stretched from the soutn-westerly corner of 
the Solway to the mouth of the Tyne without forming a 
straight line.* The fortification consisted of an inner or 
southerly earthen wall with ditches, and an outer northerly 
stone wall with numerous towers and about eighty small forts. 
Between the earthen and the stone walls, and supported by 
them, were seventeen large towers, or fortified camps, united 
by a paved military road running from sea to sea. One of 
these, pons Ae/ius, the nearest to the eastern sea, where a 
bridge goes over the Tyne, proves by its name that it was 
founded by Hadrian. The name was repeated later in 
Rome in the famous bridge which led to the tomb of the 

After an attempt on the part of Antoninus Pius to return 
to the Scottish line of Agricola, the wall of Hadrian was 
maintained as a boundary by Septimius Severus. Under its 
protection the civilization of Rome was developed in Britain 
with growing success, and Juvenal was able to flatter the 
Romans with the idea that the Britons were actually on the 
point of keeping a public orator in their pay.^ Hadrian 

^ C./.L, vii., n. 660-663, 713, and Huebner, t'M,, p. loa Platorius Nepos 
-was still legate in Britain in 124 a.d. Renier, /^ec. d, tiipL tnilit., n. 25, 
•of 18 October 124 A.D. Before him it was probably Q. Pompeius Falco, 
Waddington, Pastes des Prav. Asiat.^ p. 203. Under Hadrian there 
-were three legions stationed in Britain : il. Augusta, vi. Victrix, xx. 
Valeria. Pfitzner, p. 97. 

'Mannert, ii., p. 67 sq,y 119 sq, 

*The seventeen towers (their names in the Notitia) have been com- 
piled by Huebner (Jahrb.f, AlUrthumsk,) from groups of inscriptions. All 
names are originally British, with the exception of pons Aelius and 
Petrianae (so called from a cohort). In the ruins of the tower Prodi tia 
many coins were found of which some were of Hadrian and Sabina, but 
none of emperors before his time. See J. C. Bruce in ComtnenL PhiloLy 
Berlin, 1877, p. 739. On the wall itself, Bruce, The Roitia»i Wall^ etc, 
.3rd ed., London, 1877. — Huebner, Deutsche Rundschau^ 1878, Heft 7. 

* Juvenal, XV. 112. 

cii \r. x] Hadrian revisits Gaul 63 

revived two military colonies, Glevum and Eburacum.* 
Londinium, destroyed in 61 A.D., was restored.* The 
Romans stamped the seal of history on the wonderful island, 
little dreaming that a time would come when, after the 
fusion of Celts, Latins, and Germans, a commercial power 
would be developed more important than Carthage, and 
an empire greater in extent and population than that of 

It was in Britain that several distinguished men, among 
whom Spartianus only mentions the prefect of the praetorium, 
Septicius Clarus and Suetonius, fell into disgrace with the 
emperor. He had found out that they had entered into 
more confidential relations with his wife than befitted' the 
honour of his house, and he deprived them of their offices.' 
These events have not been sufficiently explained. Was the 
empress with him in Britain? Or had she remained in 
Rome, and had the information reached him thence ? While 
Hadrian was on his journeys, his spies took care that he 
knew all that went on in the capital and elsewhere, that was 
worth knowing. He had probably arranged a system 
approaching to our telegraph and newspaper offices, and his 
correspondents were in reality agents of the secret police. 
They were called frumentarii. These formidable men were 
to be found in every city of the empire. Antoninus Pius 
was the first to do away with them.* 

From Britain Hadrian returned to Gaul, and here he built 
at Nismes a temple in honour of Augusta Plotina.* The 

'Zumpt, Comm. Ep. i. 415. 

'Tacitus, AnmtL xiv. 33 : Londinium — cognotnento quidem coloniae 
non insigne, sed copia negotiatonitn et cotnmeatuum maxime celebre. 
'Spart c. II. 

* The term frumentarii is thus explained by Saltnasius in the note to 
Spnrt c. 1 1, —they were couriers who appeared with the postal organ- 
ization introduced by Augustus, and also arranged for the provisioning 
of the troops with corn. Quotations from Aristides, Or, ix., and Epictet. 
jyiss, iv. 13, 5, Friedlacndcr, Darstellungen aus der Siiienj^esch, JiomSy i., 
5th ed., 381 sq, Nomp^re de Champagny, Les Anionins^ ii. 185, con- 
gratulates the Roman empire of that time on the absence of an organized 
system of police like our own governments, yet even under the Antonines 
no free expression on political matters was possible. 

* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10. 

64 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

empress-widow must therefore have been dead by this time. 
Plotina had made his fortune, and he did not forget it, 
honouring her as his mother as long as she lived. He wrote 
an elegy in her memory, and at his wish she was consecrated 
by the senate.* 

Afterwards the emperor went to Spain, his native land.' 
This great country, full of flourishing cities (Pliny had already 
enumerated four hundred), wa^'as completely Romanized 'in 
the time of Hadrian as the south of Gaul, and was, in fact, 
more Roman than Rome. Vespasian had already bestowed 
Latin rights upon it. For a century Spain had taken a high 
place in the civilized Roman world ; to Rome it had given 
two emperors, and men of genius like Seneca, Lucan, Martial, 
Columella, and the orator Quintilian. The Spanish countries 
were divided into the provinces Hispania citerior^ with its 
capital Tarraco, Hispania ulterior^ or Baetica, with its capital 
Corduba, and Lusitania with its capital Emerita. Of these 
provinces the second was under the dominion of the senate. 
One legion only, the Vllth Gemina, had been stationed since 
the time of Vespasian in the peaceful country. 

The emperor spent the winter in Tarraco. Here he 
escaped from the attack of a mad slave who sprang upon 
him with a drawn sword, and he was humane enough to 
hand over the lunatic, not to the hangman, but to the 
physician. He convoked the diet of the province for the 
object of raising troops, to which the Italian colonists and 
other communities objected, as they were greatly impover- 
ished. The nucleus of such a diet (concilia) was the ^Itar of 
Augustus, with the worship of the deified emperors. Baetica 
also possessed a concilium ; a rescript of Hadrian to it still 
exists.* He restored the temple of the deified Augustus at 

* Consecration coins in Eckhel, vi. 466, Divis . parbntibus. In the 
collection of sentences and letters of Hadrian, by Dositheus (saec. 3), 
there is one to Hadrian's mother (§ 15), probably Plotina. He invites her 
to dine with him, as it is his birthday ; Sabina, he says, is gone into the 
country. Boecking, Corp. Juris R» AntejusL^ 212. 

'Eckhel, vi. 495 : "Hispania, mulier sedens juxta rupem d. ramum, pro 
pedibus cuniculus'' (symbol of Spain). I 


*Dig. 47, 14, I, De abigeis punUndis, On the state of Spain, J. Jung, 
Die rom. Landscha/ten d. rbm, Reichs^ p. 18 sq. 

CHAP, x] Hadrian in Mauretania 65 

Tarraco, which Tiberius had built to replace the altar of 
Augustus. The Tarraconese were remarkable for their 
slavish submission to the empire. They were the first to 
introduce the worship of Augustus in the West. They 
erected so many statues in honour of the Emperor Hadrian, 
that later on a special official had to be appointed by the 
province to attend to them.^ Hadrian does not appear to 
have visited his birthplace Italica, but he loaded it with 
many benefits, and promoted the wish expressed by it to the 
senate to be raised from a colonia to a municipium.' 

Where the emperor went from Spain, whether he returned 
to Rome and thence journeyed to the East, or whether 
he went straight from Tarraco to Mauretania cannot be 
ascertained, as all trustworthy information is wanting. We 
can only conjecture that from Spain he visited the neigh- 
bouring Mauretania.' This country, the present Morocco, 
the ancient kingdom of Juba, was the most westerly province 
of Rome in North Africa, and had been added to the empire 
by the Emperor Claudius. It was divided into Tingitana 
(Tangier) and Caesariensis (Algiers), and was governed by 
an imperial procurator or prefect, as, for instance, by Marcius 
Turbo in the beginning of Hadrian's reign. The indomit- 
able inhabitants, the Mauri or Maurusii (the Berbers of 
to-day), fought incessantly against the dominion of the 
Romans, whose military power in the country consisted 
chiefly of auxili^iries of light cavalry. They also attempted 
to pass over to Spain in search of booty. 

Hadrian was obliged to put down a rising of these tribes, 
which was proliably connected with the fall of the former 
Moorish prince, Lusius Quietus. The suppression of this 
rebellion must have given the Romans some trouble, for 
the senate ordered festivals in gratitude for it* The Maure- 
tanian restoration coins of Hadrian perhaps refer to the 

^" Ad statuas curandas Divi Hadriant,'' C.I.L, ii. 423a A succession of 
mile-stones on the Via Tarraconensis at the time of Hadrian, ibid, 4735 sq, 
*Gellius, xvi. 13. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10. 


^Spart. c. 12: Motus Maurorum conpressit et a senatu supplicationes 


«^ The Emperor Hadrian [bk. x 

pacification of the country ; and the emperor certainly 
restored the Roman colonies there, even if he did not increase 
their number.* 

But all accounts leave us in the dark ; we must therefore 
accompany Hadrian on his first great journey to the East 
without knowing whether he undertook it from Spain, or 
from Africa, or from Rome, if indeed, as seems probable, he 
had returned to the capital for a short visit 

^Zumpt (Comnu Ep, i. 421) ascribes to him, or to his successor, 
Rusadir, Volubilis, Arsenariai Bida^ and other places mentioned in 
the IHnerarium Antoninu 


Hadriatis first yourney to the East. The Countries on 
the Pontus. Ilium. Pergamum. Cyzicus. Rhodes 

After Hadrian had travelled through the West, he sailed 
in better spirits to the East of his empire, where in Antioch 
he had attained the sovereignty of the world. If in the West 
he had been occupied exclusively with the duties of a ruler, 
it may be imagined what enjoyment the East held out to 
him. Everything which could delight an inquiring mind 
was centred there; the records of humanity, the mysteries of 
different religions, the wonders of creation, and an existence 
still full of life and activity. Europe to-day is indisputably 
leader in the historical progress of the world, as she alone 
still preserves creative power. The world submits to be 
guided by her as the fountain of knowledge and of learning, 
and the West is indebted for this cosmopolitan greatness 
first to the Greeks, then to the Romans, and especially 
to the Eternal City. But in the middle of the second 
century, Europe was civilized only as far as the Roman power 
extended. Younger historically than the rest of the world, 
much less populous than Asia, barren of ideas after the fall 
of Greece, life flowed monotonously, devoid of the stimulus 
produced by the interchange of minds and nationalities. On 
the other hand, the Hellenic East was a school for Europe, 
whence, with the exception of Roman law, she derived her 
scientific and religious ideas, which were vital forces in many 
even of the practical forms of civilization. The centre too 
of the commerce of the world was still in Asia. 

Hadrian now went through the countries of the East 

68 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

where every coast and island was full of the classical recol- 
lections of antiquity, and where the re-awakened spirit of 
Hellas offered him enthusiastic homage as its protector. 

His first journey in the East must have been made 
between the years 123 A.D. and 125 A.D. Spartianus has ex- 
pressed this in a laconic line: " After this he sailed to Achaia 
by Asia and the islands."^ By Asia the Romans understood 
the province of Asia proconsular is ^ once the territory of the 
kings of Pergamum. They had inherited it from Attalus HI. 
in the year 133 B.C., and had made it into a province. It 
comprised Mysia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria, Pamphylia, 
Pisidia, and Lycaonia. For a long time Roman Asia had 
lain politically dead ; but it was still full of cities of lonians, 
Dorians, and Aeolians, and of cities of the Alexandrian 
period, which had preserved their Greek constitution. There 
were no Roman colonies except Parium, Alexandria Troas, 
and Tralles. Ephesus was the seat of the proconsul, 
and in its neighbourhood many other cities flourished, whose 
prosperity had increased with the long peace, and whose 
beauty had been renewed by the renaissance of the arts. 

Hadrian's first Asiatic journey must however have ex- 
tended further, at all events from the Cilician frontier of 
Syria to the Black Sea. 

The coins which refer to this journey to the East generally 
bear the legend, Adventui Augusti Asiae, and represent a 
woman kneeling, whom Hadrian raises from the ground.' 
The East is symbolized by a shining sun.^ 

Individual provinces, Bithynia,Cilicia, and Phrygia, recorded 
the arrival of Hadrian or named him *' Restorer." But neither 
from them, nor from the coins and inscriptions of the cities, 
can the length of his stay be ascertained, nor can we tell if 
they in any way belong to his first journey to the East. 
Inscriptions giving him the divine titles Olympius and 
Panhellenius, refer to the later date when he had assumed 
these titles. Even in his absence any special event might 
induce a community to pay him honour. 

^Spart. c. 13. 

'Cohen, ii., p. 209, n. 24. 

' ORIENS. Cohen, ii., p. 189, n. 2003-1005. The sun-head (oribns . AUG.) 
is the symbol of the East conquered by Trajan. Eckhel, vi., p. 439. 

CHAP. XI] Hadrian in the East 69 

We cannot therefore follow the emperor's first journey 
in Asia exactly, and can only say generally that, between 
123 A.D. and 125 A.D., he travelled through Asia Minor 
to the Black Sea. 

Trebizond is one of the furthest points visited by Hadrian, 
and Arrian, in his report of the circumnavigation of the Black 
Sea, remarks that he had been there.* Cerasus begins the list 
of imperial coins with him, and numerous medals with the 
likeness of Hadrian and Sabina have been preserved from 
Amisus.' We are not told if his wanderings extended to 
the Phasis. As it is certain that he was in Cappadocia, 
he will hardly have been satisfied with a visit to Mazaca, 
but will have visited the Roman border fortresses at 
Melitene on the Euphrates. The xilth legion Fulminata 
was stationed there, while southwards at Samosata, the 
capital of Commagene, lay the xth legion Flavia Firma, 
and northwards in Lesser Armenia the XVth legion Apollin- 
aris at Satala.' 

In the country of Pontus, the cities Amasia and Neo- 
caesarea bore the name of Adriana ; and from the time of 
Hadrian, Tyana in Cappadocia bore on its coins the title of 
an autonomous city. This and other circumstances prove the 
activity of the emperor in these countries.* The province of 
Cappadocia, which extended to the Black Sea, and which had 
been Roman since the days of Tiberius, was governed by 
consular legates, while Galatia, which Augustus had made into 
a province, with its capital Ancyra, was ruled by a praetorian 
legate. The extensive territory on the other side of the 
Sangarius, once the kingdom of Mithridates, seems to have 
been divided since the time of Trajan into these two 

* Arrian, Peripi, Pont Euxin, i. 
•Greppo, p. 153. 

'Marquardt, Kbm, Staatsverw, i. 369, 40a The Hadrian coins 
EXERCITUS . PARTHICUS (the emperor stands on a stage addressing the 
soldiers) can only have reference to an inspection of troops on the 

* Mionnet, Suppl. viii., p. 713. A mile-stone at Nicopolis in Cappadocia, 
in the year 129 a.d., points to making of roads, CJ,L, iii., add. n. 6057. 
The military coins SXER . cappadocicus represent Hadrian in the 
customary military activity. 

70 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

districts.^ The condition of the countries on the Upper 
Euphrates remains on the whole obscure. In the north of 
Cappadocia, Lesser Armenia formed the Roman boundary 
against Great Armenia, and further towards Colchis and the 
Caucasus the Albanians and Iberians were settled. From 
Melitene and Satala the Roman troops kept an eye on 
the movements of the Parthians, and the imperial govern- 
ment endeavoured to combine the heads of the tribes in the 
north-east of Asia in a defensive league. Hadrian sought 
to establish friendly relations with the Albanians and Iber- 
ians. He assembled a peace congress of barbarian princes, 
whom he won over by gifts. Some appeared, but others 
remained away in defiance, like the Iberian Pharasmanes. 

He even, restored to the Parthian king Chosroes his 
daughter whom Trajan had carried off into captivity.* But 
the pride of the Romans forbade him to restore to the king 
the golden throne of the Arsacids, the booty of the same 
emperor, which he had carried off from Ctesiphon. In 
consequence of the negociations with Chosroes, the Parthians 
maintained peace during the whole of Hadrian's reign, and 
Great Armenia too remained tranquil under Arsacid princes, 
who were appointed and protected by Rome, though they 
did not pay tribute.' 

Bithynia, which originally belonged to Pontus, and was 
subsequently converted by Augustus into an independent 
proconsular province, was particularly favoured by Hadrian. 
Like Pontus and Galatia, this province had a general 
assembly, which is mentioned on coins and inscriptions.^ 

1 Perrot, Galatia prov, Roman,^ p. 6i. 

* Schneiderwirth {Die Farther^ p. 153) places this in the first journey of 
Hadrian more correctly than Longp^rier {Af^m. sur la Chronologie des 
Rois parthes^ p. 143X who puts it in the last years of Hadrian. Sparc 
c. 12 says of Hadrian that he settled a (threatening) Parthian war by 
negociation, and (ch. 13) he mentions a congress of princes, and apparently 
places it in Hadrian's second Oriental journey. But is it possible that 
Hadrian should have delayed the settlement of such weighty matters 
so long? 

' In Lesser Armenia the colony Sinis is ascribed to Hadrian, in Galatia 
Germa. Zumpt, Comm, £p. L 418. 

* Perrot, Inscr, in^dites de la Mer noire {Rev, Arch, 1874), p. 11. 

CHAP. XT] Novum Ilium 71 

Bithynian arrival and restoration coins of Hadrian exist^ 
Some cities assumed his name, like Cius, and Bithynium or 
Claudiopolis, the birthplace of his darling, the beautiful 
Antinous, and this circumstance explains the prodigality 
of his benefits to that country. He restored the capital 
Nicomedia, which had been destroyed by an earthquake, 
and also Nicaca.^ Bithynia was a senatorial province, but 
Hadrian later converted it into an imperial province, giving 
the senate Pamphylia in exchange. We do not, however, 
possess any records of the date at which the emperor visited 

He went west towards Mysia, and his first journey to Asia 
must have been the most convenient time for his visit to 
this country. The towns Sestus and Abydus paid him 
honour as their deliverer and founder, and Parium, a colony 
founded by Caesar, was called Hadriana.' In the mountain 
district of Olympus he founded the cities Hadriani and 
Hadrianotherae.^ Hadrian also visited Ilium. It was after- 
wards said that he disparaged Homer, but how could the 
Philhellene have neglected to honour the tombs of heroes 
that had outlasted centuries ? 

Novum Ilium, inhabited by Aeolian Greeks, lay in the 
oentre of the plain of Troy, one of the most charming districts 
in Asia Minor ; opposite was the island Tenedos, behind it 
was I^mnos the island of Philoctctcs, and Imbros, and the 
gloomy mountains of Samothrace rising from the sea. The 
situation of Ilium was considered by the ancients identical 
with that of the Troy of Homer, except by a few sceptical 
philologists. The people of Ilium were shrewd enough to 
maintain that the city of Priam had never quite disappeared, 
but had again been occupied by the Trojans after the depart- 
ure of the Greeks. A small temple of Athene on the Pergamos 
or Mount of the Citadel was looked upon as the original 

' In an inscription with the thirteenth tribunate of Hadrian (129 A.D.X 
AfMrnea in Bithynia dedicates a Baltneum Hadrianum : Ephem. Epigr. 
C./.Z.. ii., n. 349. 

^CArtm. PascAnie, 254. 

'Sestus, C/./f. iii. 484; Abydus, 472 ; Parium, n. 1746 in Le Bas- 
Waddington. hadriano . CONDITORI, C/.L. Hi., n. 374. 
* Mionnet, ti., p. 428, 433 ; SuppL v. 38, 49. 

72 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

temple of the tutelar goddess, from which the palladium 
stolen by Diomed had been brought to Rome.^ So sacred 
did the Romans consider it, that it formed one of the eight 
temples in the empire in favour of whose divinities Roman 
law permitted testamentary dispositions.' 

Xerxes had in former days offered sacrifices to Athene in 
Ilium, and Alexander the Great had done the same. To 
this enthusiast for Homer the I Hans showed even the arms 
of their heroes and the lyre of Paris. After the victory on 
the Granicus, Alexander made votive cffTerings to the temple 
of Athene; he pronounced the place free and autonomous, 
and promised to make it into an important city. Lysimachus 
afterwards enlarged and surrounded it with walls. Antiochus, 
too, piously honoured the legends of Ilium, and finally the 
Romans looked with feigned enthusiasm on this new Ilium 
as the cradle of their world-wide power. Pliny called it the 
source of all fame.' Fimbria indeed, Sulla's antagonist, 
destroyed the city, but Julius Caesar restored it, and his 
successors, the Caesars, enlarged its territory. The liians 
themselves did not forget, when they sent envoys to the 
emperor, to remind him that Troy was the mother of 

Troy was immortal in the memory of mankind, and that 
this is so to-day is proved by the enthusiasm which the dis- 
coveries of Schliemann have excited. Like the Greeks and 
Romans, he sought the site of ancient Troy in New Ilium, 
and the latter he found in Hissarlik. For New Ilium had 
also disappeared, and we are as doubtful about its position 
as the Greeks were about that of Troy.* 

When Hadrian visited New Ilium in 124 or 125 A.D., 
he doubted as little as the emperor before him, or as Arrian, 
Appian, and the sophist Aristides, as Pausanias and Plutarch 
afterwards, that this was the site of the sacred Troy, 

^ Strabo, 593 sq, 

' Jovem Tarpejum, ApoUinem Didymaeum, Martem in Gallia, Minervam 
Iliensem, Herculem Gaditanum, Dianam Epbesiam, Matrem Deonim 
Sipelensem (Smyrna) Coelestein Salmensem Carthaginis. Ulp. Fr. xxiL 6. 

" Pliny, hist. Nat, v. 33. 

* Tacitus, Annul, iv. 55 : parentem urbis Romae Trojam. 

* Mannert, vi. 3, 497. 

CHAP. XI] Alexandria Troas 73 

although of the city of Priam, according to the testimony of 
the sceptical Strabo, not one stone remained. Philostratus 
relates that the emperor gave fresh burial to the bones of 
Ajax in the Ajanteum. This we may suppose refers to a 
celebration of funeral rites,^ and an inscription from New 
Ilium, with no special meaning, makes mention of Hadrian.' 
Ilian coins of Hadrian are in existence which represent 
Aeneas as a fugitive carrying his father on his back, and 
leading young Ascanius by the hand ; underneath is depicted 
the Roman she- wolf.* 

Another place in the Troad still bore the ancient name at 
this period, namely, the Roman colony Alexandria Troas, 
to the south of New Ilium. It was originally called Sigia, 
then Antigonia, because king Antigonus had enlarged it, 
until finally it received the name of Alexandria Troas from 
Lysimachus, in honour of Alexander. The Romans also 
honoured it, and Caesar, when he contemplated a change in 
his royal residence, is said to have hesitated between it and 
Novum Ilium.* Constantine too, before he decided upon 
Byzantium, wished to make the capital of the empire in the 
Trojan country. Alexandria Troas was also visited by 
Hadrian, and experienced his favour. He caused an aque- 
duct to be built there by Herodes Atticus, of which the 
imposing remains are still to be seen in the village of 
Eskistambul. Byzantine remains prove the existence of this 
place until the end of the Middle Ages.* St Paul, the 
apostle of that new religion whose written records were to 
supplant Homer and his gods, was once in this city of Troas 
on his first missionary journey. From Troas he sailed to 
Samothrace, and thence to Macedonia.^ 

* Philostr. Heroicot cd. Kayser, ii. 137. 

^CJJ^ Hi. I, n. 466 : Trib. Pot viii. (124/125 A.D.). 

' Schliemann, Uios^ p. 72a The imperial coins, of copper only, with 
the inscriptions of Hector the Ilian, Priamus the Ilian, are properly con- 
sidered by Schliemann as sufficient evidence for the identity of this place 
with Troy. *• 

* Suetonius, Cats, c. 79 : Quia etiam varia fama percrebuit, migraturum 
Alexandream vel Ilium. 

* Mannert, vi. 3, 474. Schliemann, llios^ p. 67. 
^AcU of the Apostles^ c. 16, v. 8, 11. 

74 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

In Mysia, Hadrian visited Pergamum, the famous seat of 
the Attalids, and now a flourishing city, a possession which 
first directed Roman efforts to the acquisition of the province 
of Asia. There he could admire the Acropolis with the 
magnificent temple of Athene Polias and the sanctuaries of 
Asclepius and Augustus. He could look at the theatres, the 
gymnasia, and the basilicas, with which the highly cultured 
kings after Lysimachus and Eumenes had adorned the city, 
and could admire the marble groups of gods and giants 
surrounding the great altar of Attalus, still resplendent with 
unimpaired beauty. More than seventeen centuries after 
Hadrian's visit, these statues were to be disinterred from 
the ruins and placed in the capital of the new German 
empire.^ That Hadrian conferred benefits upon Pergamum 
may be conjectured from a statue which the people and 
council of the city erected to him in his seventh tribunate.' 

The city of Cyzicus, the ancient colony of Miletus and 
ally of the king of Pergamum, on the isthmus in the 
Propontis, opposite the island Proconnesus, was treated by 
the emperor with special favour. She had lost her freedom 
under Tiberius in the year 24 A.D., but flourished again in 
the time of Hadrian by her commerce and industry, by the 
beauty of her monuments, especially the temples of Cybele, 
of Adrastea and Proserpine. Later on Hadrian built a 
marvellous temple there. He granted to the city the honour 
coveted by so many other communities in Asia, of celebrat- 
ing the worship of the Roman gods and of the emperor with 
festival games called Neocoria, and from that time Cyzicus 
adopted the name of Philosebastos and Adriane.' 

It cannot be doubted that Hadrian on the same journey 
visited Smyrna, Sardis, Miletus, Ephesus, and Halicamassus, 
as well as other famous cities of Asia Minor, which have 

^ The Excavations at Pergamum^ i88o-i88i. Report by A. Conze» 
Humann and Bohn in Jahrbuch der KonigL Preuss, Kunstsammlung^ iii. 
I, 1882. In the Augusteum at Pergamum there have been found fragments 
of statues of Trajan and Hadrian. 

*Le Bas-Waddington, iii. i, n. 1721. 

'J. H. Krause, Neokoros, p. 36. J. Marquardt, Cyzikus und sein Gebiet^ 
p. 84. An inscription calls Hadrian vwr^p iroU Kriv-rni^ Nev, Arch, N.s. xxxii.^ 
p. 268, in Uuerr, Atihang^ n. 69. 

CHAP. XI] Rhodes 75 

recorded his name in coins and inscriptions. As Spartianus 
states that he journeyed to Achaia by Asia and the islands^ 
it must have been Rhodes, Cos, Chios, the fertile Lesbos 
with the beautiful Mitylene, Lemnos, and Samothrace, which 
he visited. The ancient mysteries in Samothrace, into which 
Philip and Olympias once allowed themselves to be initiated^ 
were still so much honoured that they must have excited 
Hadrian's curiosity. The council and people of Samothrace 
erected a statue in his honour, the inscription on which has 
been found in the ruins of the Doric temple of marble, but it 
does not prove that Hadrian visited this island.^ Inscriptions 
and coins make his presence in Crete probable.* But his 
visit to Rhodes he himself has proved in a letter to Ephesus^ 
found a few years ago as a marble inscription, in which he 
tells the archons and the council of the city that he had 
sailed from Ephesus to Rhodes.* 

Rhodes the magnificent, dedicated to the sun, great at 
one time by her naval power, and famous throughout the 
world for her schools of orators and sculptors, had decayed 
after the civil wars in Caesar's time, but Strabo still 
ventured to give her the preference over all other cities. 
Only a short time before Hadrian, Dion Chrysostom had 
spoken of her as the richest Greek city, and even after 
Hadrian's time Lucian could say of her that her beauty was 


*The inscription records the i6th tribunate of Hadrian (132 A.D.), Arch. 
Unters, auf Samoihrake by A. Conze, Hauser und Niemann, 1875, p. 36, 
sq. There has also been found an inscription in honour of Hadrian from 
Maroneia, which calls him 9bn\\p, Further, a Latin inscription with the 
consuls of the year 124 A.D., from which it is supposed that Hadrian 
was presented with the highest magisterial office {rex) in Samothrace. 

^CLG, il 427. Inscriptions from Lyttos, and Cretan coins in Mionnet, 
ii., p. 260. A beautiful statue of an emperor resembling Hadrian was 
found at Hierapytna in Crete, and stands in the museum at Constantinople. 
Cawette ArchioL vi. 1880, 52 sq, 

• Wood, Discoveries at EphesuSy App. 5 : " Inscriptions from the Odeum," 
n. I. Hadrian recommends to the city council the Ephesian citizen, L. 
Erastus, who frequently travels on the seas, and has already met him, the 

emperor, twice : rh wfMtop els 'P63or dwb r^i *R^<rov iro/bu^6fier(y), pOp M dir& 

'BXctvtvot Tp^ {ffi&t d^KOfiipt^. The date of the letter in which Hadrian 
calls himself Pater Patr. drifiap, i^ova, t6 y\ in Wood has been correctly 
emended by Duerr {Nachtragy p. 124) 17 (Trib. Pot xill., i.e, 129 a.d.)l 

76 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i, ch. xi 

worthy of the sun-god.^ Her situation on the eastern 
promontory of the island, opposite the steep rocky coast of 
Caria, her arsenals, harbours, and high walls, her streets, 
temples, and porticos, her innumerable pictures and works 
of art in marble and copper, which even Nero had not 
plundered, formed a delightful combination of grace, splen- 
dour, and strength, before the great earthquake destroyed 
the city in the time of Antoninus Pius.' Although Vespasian 
had deprived her of the last vestige of autonomy, Rhodes 
must still have been flourishing in the time of Hadrian. The 
story related by a later Byzantine, that the emperor restored 
the famous Colossus, which three hundred years before had 
been destroyed by an earthquake, is certainly a fable.' 

^ Strabo, 652. Dion Chrys., ed. Dindorf, Orat. xxxi., p. 363. LuciaOi 
Amores^ c 8 : ^ «-6Xif 'HX/ov irpiir9¥ Ixoiva rj> ^e{> rd irdXXor. 
' Pausanias, viii. 43, 4. Aristides, Orai, 43. Dion Chrys. xxi. 
' Malalas, 279. 


Hadrians Residence in Athens^ and in other Cities of 
Greece. Return of the Emperor to Rome by way of 

There was no country which could equal Hellas in its attrac- 
tion for Hadrian. It was the treasure-house of the highest 
ideals of antiquity, and on this account it was still visited, 
as in the time of Cicero, by cultivated men from all parts of 
the empire. Greece was certainly no longer full of prosper- 
ous cities, like Asfa Minor, but was already in Strabo's time 
so decayed that it was looked upon merely with the interest 
of the antiquary.^ Its population had decreased to such an 
extent that, according to the statement of Plutarch, it could 
scarcely furnish 3000 hoplites, the number that Megara had 
once sent to the battle of Plataea. In Peloponnesus the 
number of cities had dwindled down to little more than 
about sixty, of which Sparta and Argos alone were of any 
importance, and in the time of Pausanias there were many 
deserted places even in Phocis, Boeotia, Attica, and Achaia. 
Thousands of Greeks from Old Hellas, as well as from the 
Hellenic countries, lived homeless in the provinces of the 
West. The world had become their country. This whole- 
sale dispersion of the Greeks in the Roman empire is a 
parallel, but also a contrast to the fate of the Jews after their 
conquest by Pompey and Titus. Their home when in exile 
was not the civilised world, but the synagogue. 

In spite of the extinction of all political life, many free 
cities, with their monuments, still existed in Hellas, and Pau- 

' Curtius, Peloponnesos^ 3, Abschn. i. 79. 

78 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

sanias, who visited Greece a generation after Hadrian and 
noted its ruins with sorrowful affection, could derive consol- 
ation from the fact that the famous old countries and cities 
still preserved their constitutions, their diets, courts of justice 
and magistrates, and indeed their festival games. 

Achaia, as Greece was called by the Romans, suffered 
from the caprices of her rulers, but on the whole benefited by 
their pious r^ard. They did not disturb ancient systems. 
Augustus had made Greece, like Macedonia, into a senatorial 
province, having for its capital New Corinth. Tiberius, how- 
ever, took away the government from the senate, as it was 
costly, oppressive, tyrannical, and burdensome to the Greeks. 
He even united Hellas and Macedonia with Moesia.^ Claudius 
however gave both provinces back to the senate.* 

Greece had been the classical stage for the vanity of Nero 
who, like Caligula, plundered the treasures of Greek art with 
shameless rapacity. He travelled through Greece like a 
comedian and an athlete, but an actor even in his remorse, 
he avoided Athens as the sanctuary of the avenging Eumenides, 
and he did not visit Sparta, from his dislike to the legislation 
of Lycurgus. He deluged Hellas with blood, but to reward 
the flatteries of the Greeks, as well as to produce a theatrical 
effect, he proclaimed the freedom of the Hellenes at the 
Isthmian games, as once Flaminius had done. Soon afterwards 
the parsimonious Vespasian took away this freedom, which 
related only to taxation, and gave Achaia back to the govern- 
ment of the senate.* The Flavian dynasty revived with the 
provincial government the financial oppression of Greece, and 
it was of no practical benefit to the Athenians that Domitian 
in the year 93 A.D. assumed the dignity of their archon 
Eponymus.^ Hadrian received the same honour in the 
year 1 1 2 A.D. when still a private individual. Two years 
later, Trajan visited Athens. The Panhellenes erected the 
statue of this just emperor at Olympia. 

The Greeks overwhelmed their rulers with shameless 

^ Tacitus, Anftals^ i. 8a 
* Finlay, History of Greece^ p. 54. 
' Pausanias, Achaica^ xvii. 4. 

^Pbilostr. Vita Apolloniiymxx, 26. ^tx\3}i^x%^ Gestlh, GriechenL unter 
der Herrschaft der Rdmer^ ii. 137. 

CHAP, xii) Hadrian in Athens 79 

honours. The deification of the emperor had become the 
reh'gion of the land, after the days of Caesar and Antony. 
The temples of Caesar arftl Augustus stood in the chief 
square of Sparta;* and on the Acropolis of Athens stood 
the temple of the genius of Rome and Augustus. As the 
free Athenians erected an altar to Pity, their slavish 
posterity might have paid a similar honour to Flattery. 
The love of freedom was extinguished in Hellas ; the 
country had resigned itself to its destiny, Rome, but a 
deep gulf separated Romans and Greeks from one another. 
Rome looked with contempt on the degenerate grandsons 
of Miltiades and Leonidas, while the Greeks, as aristocrats 
of mind and culture, felt themselves superior to the Romans. 
The Romanizing of Achaia made slow progress, for the 
spirit of Greece survived in its mighty literature, in its 
undying memories, and in the perpetual self-esteem of the 
Hellenic communities. Only a few commercial cities, Patras, 
Corinth, and Nicopolis on the peninsula of Actium, made 
an exception as Roman colonies in Hellas. In Corinth, 
Pausanias found no descendants of the old inhabitants.' 

The Corinthians adopted Roman customs, and even their 
bloody gladiatorial games, but when the Athenians wished 
to follow their example, the philosopher Demonax rose and 
said, " Let the altar of Pity first be overthrown."' 

And now Hadrian had come, and the Greeks received him 
gladly as their " saviour and founder." No previous emperor 
of Rome had been in such close touch with them, and 
changeable though he was, he remained faithful to his 
Greek sympathies. More lavishly here in Greece than in 
any other part of the empire, did he bestow the blessings 
of his liberality. With Hadrian there began for Athens an 
after-summer of its former splendour, a last renaissance, not 
of the republican life of the state, but of science and literature. 
It was more fully developed under the Antonines, and con- 
tinued, though with many interruptions, during the ever 
deepening decay of Greece, until the extinction of Hellenism 
under Justinian. 

It is unknown at what port the emperor landed. There 

' Pausanias, Laconical xt. 4. * Pausanias, Corinthi(ua^ L 2. 

' Lucian, Demonax ^7. 

8o The Emperor Hadrian [hook i 

are no coins to record Hadrian's arrival in Achaia ; we have 
only coins of restoration.^ Neither from them, nor from the 
coins of the colony of Corinth, which record his arrival, can 
any precise date be fixed.* No Athenian coin of the em- 
peror^s arrival has been found. In the inscriptions, his visits 
to Athens are merely mentioned, and though his first resi- 
dence is reckoned an era of the city, no precise date can be 
fixed for his first or second visit* We can only learn from 
these inscriptions that the new era of Hadrian did not occur 
before the year 124-125 A.D., and that the emperor could 
not have come to Athens before September 124 A.D.* We 
may conclude that he arrived in the autumn of the year 
125 A.D., to make a stay of some duration.' 

He found satisfaction here for all his ideal aspirations. 
In the charming pastoral scene, framed by the sea, Hymettus, 
Pentelicus, and Parnes, he could rest from his labours, and 
admire the sublime works of antiquity, whose eternal youth 
and beauty, in Plutarch's opinion, had defied the powers of 
time. They were still standing uninjured. Pausanias, after- 
ward, was astonished by the temples, the academies and 
gymnasia, the porticos and squares, the citadel of Athens 
filled with votive offerings, pictures, and statues; and even 
Lucian, when in his youth he saw Athens for the first time, 
was amazed at the beauty and magnificence of the city, and 
at the number of its inhabitants.* In Athens, Hadrian could 

^ Eckhel, vi., p. 487. Cohen, ii., p. 209, n. 12 14 sq, 

'coL . L . JUL . COR . ADVENT . AUG., with a trireme, Greppo, p. 119. 
Coins of arrival from Patras are missing. 

' The formula is drd r^t 'A^ptaroC (rpc&n^) tU 'A^i^at ^t^/iios. The era is 
counted from the first arrival, not from the archon-year 112 A.D. Dumont, 
FasUs iponymiques^ p. 27. The five inscriptions (G>r/. Inscr, Atticar* 
iil I, 735, 69a add., 1107, 1023, 1120) give the three years (twice), the 4th, 
15th, 27th year. 

* Dittenberger, Hadriatis erste Anwesenheit in Athen^ in Hennes^ 1873, 
p. 225. This article was occasioned by Hirschfeld's Catalogo d^ Pritani 
attniemi^ in Bull, Inst, 1872, p. 118 sq, 

^ According to Corsini (Fasti Attia\ ii. 403), in the month Boedromion 
(about September), because the Athenians moved, in honour of Hadrian, 
the beginning of the year from the month Hekatombaion to the month 

• Lucian, Skythes^ c. 9. 

CHAP, xiij Athens 8i 

be an artist among artists, and he could dispute, in the halls 
of the academy under the plane trees on the Cephisus, with 
philosophers who called themselves followers of the divine 
Plato. In Athens, wisdom and simplicity were taught, as 
Lucian says in his Nigrinus^ where he draws a contrast 
between her classic peace and the din of Rome, with her 
ostentatious slavery, her formalities and her banquets, her 
sycophants, her poisoners, legacy-hunters, and false friends.* 
In the patriarchal figure of the philosopher Demonax, 
Lucian has drawn a picture of the happiness of a life of 
Athenian simplicity, and this sage may have been a man of 
thirty-five when Hadrian came to Athens. The emperor 
was here transformed into a Greek sophist, and dreamer 
over the beauties of antiquity. Steeped in poetry and 
sentiment, they are still a powerful attraction to every 
cultivated man who, in this place full of consecrated gifts, 
has communion with the gods, the heroes, and the sages of 
Attica, as he wanders among the ruins of their temples. 

But the laconic style of Hadrian's biographers forbids us 
to see much of this prince, this most ardent lover of the 
Muses, in his intercourse with the Athenians.* Spartianus 
sums up the events of his first visit there in these words : 
"After the example of Hercules and Philip, he took part in 
the Eleusinian mysteries ; he made many presents to the 
Athenians, and presided as Agonothetes."' 

Hadrian was, without doubt, initiated into the mysteries 
of Demeter on his first visit to Athens.* Augustus also had 
been allowed to share in these rites, and later, Marcus 
Aurelius and Alexander Severus.* The ruler of Rome and 
of the world, attired as a Greek, did not disdain to fill the 

^ Lucian, Nigrinus^ 14 sq. 

'Athcnaeus, viii. 361, 3, calls the Emperor Hadrian wtun^ dpiffTo§ mU 

'Spart. c. 13. 

*Spart c. 13. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 11. Euseb. Chrofu^ ed. Schoene, iL 
166 sqr. ixflfiaffepetf*A$^tfAvrf$eUT^*Vktval9ta. It IS probable that this 
initiation still consisted of two parts, and that therefore Hadrian passed 
in the second and greater rite on his second journey. Flemmer, p. 38. 
Hertzberg, i. 314. 

• Leake, Topogr, Athens^ pp. xxi., xxv. 


82 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

office of umpire at the games of the great Dionysia. As it 
was the duty of the archon to preside at these festivals^ 
Hadrian must have been a second time archon of the 
Athenians.^ The Dionysia were celebrated from the 8th to 
the 1 2th Elapheboh'on (end of March to beginning of April); 
consequently in the spring of 1 26 A.D., Hadrian was still in 
Athens. The Athenians were delighted to see the emperor 
seated in the theatre of the great Attic poets, gravely 
awarding the prizes; but we do not know what pieces were 
then given; they were probably comedies of Menander, 
for the plays of Sophocles and Aristophanes were hardly 
any longer put on the stage, and there was no living poet 
who was able to write a respectable play. 

In gratitude for this honour paid to the Attic theatre, or 
in recognition of its restoration by Hadrian, the Athenians 
determined to erect twelve statues in honour of the emperor, 
one for each phyle of the city, to be placed in the passage 
of the auditorium. The statue which had been erected to 
him as archon in 1 1 2 A.D. made the number thirteen.* 

During his first sojourn in Athens, Hadrian seems to have 
determined to rebuild the temple of the Olympian Zeus, and 
to have made other plans for important buildings. He 
reformed the Athenian constitution on the basis of the old 
republican system. The nature of the improvement, however, 
is unknown.' His care for the material welfare of the city, 
whose harbours had lain desolate, and whose trade and 
industry had decayed ever since the time of Sulla, is still 
to be seen from an inscription on the gate of the hall of the 

^Ahrens (De Athetiar, statu, p. 15}. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 16, relates 
Hadrian's participation in the Dionysia in connection with the completion 
or consecration of the Olympieum, which took place during a later visit 
of the emperor, but Spartianus (c. 1 3) connects his Agonothesia with his 
first sojourn in Athens. 

' Some pediments of these statues have been found. The inscriptions 
in CJ,A, iii. i, n. 464 sq. Benndorf, Beitraege zur Kenntniss des attisck. 
Theatres^ in Zeitschrift fuer oester, Gymnas, 1875, p. *5 ^9* 

^ Hieron. Chron, i. 45 : Atheniensibus leges petentibus ex Draconis et 
Solonis reliquorumque libris jura componit. This sounds rather strange; 
see Hertzberg, ii. 317. 

CHAP. XII] Sparta ' 83 

new agora, which records a regulation of Hadrian about the 
sale of oil.^ 

It is incredible that the emperor should have spent a year 
in Athens, until the time of his departure from Achaia in the 
summer of 1 26 A.D., without travelling through the countries 
of ancient Greece. They certainly sent their deputies to 
Athens to present both petitions and invitations. There 
are not, however, many inscriptions of the existing Greek 
cities which mention Hadrian as their benefactor and 
restorer, nor do they help us to determine the datci of his 
visit He probably visited in person places such as Corinth, 
Argos, Mantinea, Nemea, where he erected buildings, and 
gave votive offerings to the temples.* On Argive coins he 
is glorified as "Founder."' 

Sparta has recorded his arrival in an inscription.^ This 
dty was now the most important in Peloponnesus.* She 
had preserved her old customs ; the gerusia was still in 
existence, and the Spartan year was always called after one 
of the five ephors, just as the Athenian year was called after 
one of the archons. Pausanias found the historical monu- 
ments in Sparta uninjured, the market-place, with the 
government buildings, and the Persian stoa, the bronze 
house of Athene on the citadel, and numerous temples, 
tombs, and works of art.* 

In Mantinea, Hadrian restored the tomb of Epaminondas, 
and furnished it with an inscription.^ And can we believe 
that the emperor, who enlarged the temple of Zeus in 
Athens, and then assumed the name of " the Olympian," never 
visited Olympia, which was resplendent with his games and 
sanctuaries ? No inscriptions prove it, but the want of them 
can only be accidental. 

^C.I.G, i. 355 and CLA. iii. i, n. 38. Gold and grain distributions 
by Hadrian for Athens. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 16. 

'See further on, under buildings of Hadrian. 

'Mionnet, SuppL iv., p. 240, n. 28. 

^CLG. 1241. Other inscriptions from Sparta, CJ.G, 1308, 1309, 1312 
(here fftarflpos *0\vftwiov); Le Bas-Foucart, Laconie^ n. 193 (Sc/So^r^ ^«^pc); 
see Duerr, Anhang^ 113 sq, 

^Curtius, Ptloponnes. ii. 226. * Pausanias, Laconica^ xi. 

^ Pausanias, Arctuiica^ xi. 8. 

84 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Corinth, the most splendid city of Greece, the Roman 
colony Julia of the Great Caesar, was favoured and adorned 
by Hadrian. It possessed very few objects of antiquity 
worth seeing, for most of its public buildings had sprung 
up since the time of Caesar, among them being a temple 
of Octavia, the sister of Augustus.^ 

At Thespiae, Hadrian made a votive offering of the skin 
of a bear, his own booty in the chase, with verses com- 
posed by himself.^ It was from Thespiae that Caligula 
stole that wonderful work of art, the Eros of Praxiteles. 
Claudius restored it to the city, but it was again carried off 
by Nero, and only a copy, made by the Athenian Menodorus, 
stood in the temple when Pausanias visited it' 

And did Hadrian not see Thebes as well? The city of 
Pindar had indeed so completely disappeared in the time of 
Pausanias that only the citadel was inhabited.^ The whole 
country of Boeotia was ruined and many of her cities lay 
desolate. Plutarch had given fame to the small Chaeronea, 
but this noble man, whom Hadrian honoured and made pro- 
curator of Greece, died about the year 1 20 A.D. One of the 
most important Boeotian cities must at that time have been 
Lebadea ; for the oracle of Trophonius, which was still much 
consulted, gave life to it by attracting many visitors. It is 
not known if Hadrian consulted the oracle, but his curiosity 
would have made him inquire into this ancient mystery. 

He consulted the oracle at Delphi, either personally or 
by representatives, as to the fatherland of Homer. The 
Amphictyons erected a statue to him there.^ This league 
was still in existence, and its council at the time of Pau- 
sanias consisted of thirty members, furnished by Nicopolis, 
Macedonia and Thessaly, Boeotia and Phocis, Doris, Locris, 

^ Pausanias, Corinthiaca^ ii. 6. 

' Kaibel, Epigr, graeca^ n. 811. The city of Thespiae erected a statue 
to Hadrian as its eOtpyinit koI tcrlcnit, still without the title of Olympius. 
C.LG. i. 1614. 

' Pausanias, Boeotica^ xxvii. 4. 

*Two inscriptions from Thebes (Duerr, Afthang^ n. 93, 94) are of later 
date, as they give Hadrian the title Olympius. 

^C.LG, 1713: rb Kow6y rOif 'A/i^(«ru6v(iiy, still without the title of 

CHAP. XII] Delphi 85 

Euboea, Argos, Sicyon and Corinth, Megara and Athens.* 
Nero had robbed the sanctuary of Apollo of five hundred 
bronze statues, and had confiscated the possessions of the 
temple. The decline of Delphi was irreparable, for the 
Pythian oracle had lost its authority. Pausanias does not 
once speak of its activity in his time. He found the ancient 
treasure-houses empty, but in his long description of the 
Delphian wonders he enumerated many old votive offerings 
within the sacred precincts. Of the temples, one lay in 
ruins, another had no statues left in it, but the third still 
contained the images of several Roman emperors. Among 
these the statue erected in honour of Hadrian may have 
been found.* 

Hadrian visited the Augustan Actia Nicopolis in Epirus, 
for the coins of this city represent him on board ship, and 
bear the legend, " Appearance of the emperor."' From there 
he may have visited Dodona.* That he saw the vale of 
Teinpc in Thcssaly cannot be doubted, for he named a 
pleasure ground at his villa at Tivoli after it But we do not 
know if his journeys in Northern Greece, Epirus, Thessaly, 
Macedonia, and Thrace, where he founded Adrianopolis, 
were performed during his first sojourn in Hellas, or not 
His arrival in Macedonia and Thrace is recorded by coins.* 
After a residence of about three years in the East, and in 

^ Pausanias, Phocica^ viii. 3. 

' Pausanias, Phocica^ viii. 4 : rwr ip'Fiiftjj fiarnKtv^dwrtti^^^ roKKQif rwQm 
ck^t. In the treasure-house of the Corinthians, Plutarch found nothing 
hot the bronze palm : Moralia^ ed. Wittenbach, ii. 438. 

'Greppo, p. 114. Hadrian coins from Nicopolis are numerous; 
Mionnet, Suppi, iii., p. 378 sq, 

^An inscription, C LG, 1822, gives Hadrian the surname Dodonaiui. 
See Greppo, p. 115. 


Eckhel, vi., p. 498. adventui . AUG . thraciab. Cohen, il*, p. tii, 
n. ^^, Greppo, p. iii, enumerates the Thracian cities, whose emperor- 
coins begin with H : Bizya, Mesembria, Peutalia, Trajanopolis, and 
Coela on the Chersonnese. Coela called itself Aelium Municip.— 
Mionnet, Suppi. ii., p. 526. Flemmer, p. 89, believes that Hadrian 
visited these countries during his sojourn in Athens (according to him 
876-879 or 880 A.U.C.) in the year 879 A.U.C.B126 A.D., whereas Duerr, 
p. 56, places the visit to northern Greece in the time before his arrival 
in Athens, in the late autumn of 124 A.D. to the autunm of 125 A.D. 

86 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xii 

the Hellenic countries, Hadrian returned to Rome by way of 
Sicily.^ There he made the ascent of Etna to see the sun 
rise, which, as people then liked to believe, displayed the 
colours of the rainbow.* On this journey he visited also the 
famous cities of Messana, Tauromenium, Catana, Syracuse, 
and Thermae. They were Roman colonies, and in addition 
there were sixty-three communities on the island, which 
were nearly all endowed with Latin rights.* 

If the want of records, which is perhaps only accidental, 
as to the relations of Hadrian with Sicily, permits us to draw 
any inference, it is that he did not treat this treasure-house 
of Rome, as Strabo called the island, with great generosity. 
Only one coin of the senate speaks of him generally as the 
restorer of Sicily; the emperor raises the kneeling figure of 
a woman, who is crowned with ears of com, and who holds 
ears of corn also in her hand.^ 

Hadrian returned to Rome either in the end of 126 
A.D., or in the beginning of the following year. 

^ADVENTUI. AUG.SICILIAE. Eckhel, vi., p. 500. 

■Spart c. 13. 

•Pliny, H,N. iii. 14. 

* Eckhel, vi., p. 50a A coin of Hadrian in Foy-Vaillant, with the head 
of Medusa (?) and a sea monster above it, bearing the legend sicil.lA 8.0.^ 
is declared doubtful by Eckhel. Zumpt, Comm. Ep, i. 409, believes that 
Hadrian endowed the cities Lilybaeum and Panormus with the rights 
of colonies, and ascribes to him the colonies Uselis and Comus in 


Hadrian in Rome. The Title Pater Patriae. The 
Emperor goes to Africa. Cotidition of this Pro- 
vince. Carthage, Lamdaesis 

The peaceful condition of Rome during the long absence of 
the emperor, proved that the monarchy stood firm on the 
foundations of the excellent government which had been 
handed down to Hadrian by his predecessor, and which he 
himself had improved. His throne was not only protected 
by praetorian guards and by the army, but by the wisdom 
ahd justice of his sway. The balance of power between 
emperor, senate, and army had never perhaps been more 
perfect. Nothing astounds us more than the picture of this 
powerful, highly disciplined army of the empire. The 
legions which Trajan had accustomed to the glories of war 
had become peaceful guardians of the frontiers, working 
hard and uncomplainingly at walls and fortifications, and 
submitting to the strict discipline which the emperor 
enforced. \ 

Hadrian returned to Rome even more Greek than he had 
been before, and this no doubt displeased many Romans 
of the school of Trajan. He had been so much attracted 
by the charms of Athens that he introduced Greek customs, 
and even the Eleusinian mysteries, into Rome. His court 
assumed more and more a Hellenic character. He was 
surrounded by Greek sophists and sages; his favourite was a 
3ithynian youth named Antinous, from Claudiopolis, with 
whom he had become acquainted in Asia Minor, and had 
brought to Rome. Hadrian founded an academy in Rome, 

88 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

probably after he came back, to which he gave the name of 

His return gave the senate a fresh opportunity of meeting 
him with proofs of their respect The statement that they 
made the proposal that he should at last assume the title 
Pater Patriae is therefore very likely correct,* and this it 
appears Hadrian did on the day of the dedication of the 
magnificent temple of Rome and Venus, a festival which 
could not be more suitably celebrated than on the anniver- 
sary of the foundation of the city, the 2ist of April. The 
year in which it took place, and in which Hadrian assumed 
the title, his wife Sabina taking that of Augusta, is unknown, 
but was probably earlier than 128 or 127 A.D.' 

The emperor remained some time longer in Rome, but he 
was always planning fresh journeys. This ceaseless travelling 
affected even his biographers. Spartianus writes like a 
courier ; after mentioning Hadrian's return to Rome from 
Sicily, he says, almost breathlessly, " From here he went to 
Africa," and then he adds, as if frightened, " Never did a 
prince travel so quickly through so many countries."^ This 
same unrest seems even now to affect every biographer of the 
emperor, all the more so as he is compelled to make use of 
the fragmentary information of Spartianus and of Dion, and 
to travel with them over land and sea in hopeless haste. 
Spartianus, however, has in this instance allowed the emperor 
too short a stay in Rome. 

Hadrian visited Africa for the first time in the summer of 
128 A.D. His visit to this province occurs between the first 
and second journey to the East Spartianus mentions it 
twice, and ends with this remark, *' Rain, which had been 
wanting for five years, fell at his arrival in Africa, and on 
that account the emperor was beloved by the Africans."* 
It was not the first or the last time that the flattery of 

^ On \kis introduction of Hellenism into Rome, consult Aurelius Victor, 
£^i/. 14. 

* Flemmer,' p. 44, reasons so. 

' See the clear explanation in Duerr, p. 28 sg. 

^Spart c 13: Nee quisquam principum tantum terrarum tarn 
celeriter peragravit 

^Spart. c. 22. 

CHAP. XIII] Hadrian in Africa 89 

subjects connected the occurrences of nature with the appear- 
ance of a prince. The people of Africa had, however, .better 
grounds for honouring the emperor when he visited theiti. 
In the year 128 A.D. he travelled through Nuipidia, and set 
to rights the military organization of the country. 

The province of Africa, with which Numidia was united 
until the time of Septimius Severus, stretched from the 
borders of Mauretania as far as Cyrenaica and the great 
Syrtis.* It was a fertile district, one of the most imix)rtant 
granaries for Rome, containing more than three hundred 
flourishing cities. It produced valuable fruits, wild animals 
for the arena, ivory, yellow marble {giallo antico) for the 
emperor's magnificent buildings, and beautiful fabrics. In 
no province were there so many imperial domains as in 
Africa, the land of the great latifundia. The emperors made 
the most of these latifundia, and Trajan in particular provided 
his family with estates there. The unsatisfactory relations of 
the small farmers or colonists to the occupiers of the large 
estates were mitigated by Hadrian's humane regulations.* 

Africa, like Asia, was a senatorial province of the first 
rank, governed by a proconsul, but from the time of Caligula 
a legate appointed by the emperor held an independent 
command over the llird legion Augusta, which Octavian had 
transferred thither.' The Romanizing of the country had 
progressed rapidly, even though the Punic language and 
character still remained, mingled with the ancient worship 
of Moloch and Astarte. Carthage was the centre of this 
Phoenician religion ; for there stood the temple of Juno 
Caelcstis, or Astarte, the sacred Queen of Heaven, to whom 
great honour was paid, not only in Africa, but, since the 
third Punic war, in Rome as well.* 

^The Roman provinces in Africa were Africa and Numidia, the two 
Mauretanias, Crete and Cyrenaica, and Egypt. 

^BhIL d, Corrrsp. africaine al^ir. 1882, fasc ii. 62. On the state 
of affairs there, Boissiere, LAlgMe romaine ; Jung, Rom, Landsch, p. 
194; L. Fried laender. Das rom, Africa^ Sn Deutsche l^undschau^ Heft 
4 und 5, 1883. 

' Legntus Augiisti propraetor^ legionis : Marquardt, Rptiu Staais- 
vtnv, i', p. 468. Arnold, Rom, Prov. Admin, p. 108. 
^ Preller, R, MythoL^ Juno Caelestis. 

90 The Emperor Hadrian [book y 

Roman colonies were more plentiful in Africa than else- 
where. Hadrian himself increased their number, for from 
him Utica, Zama, and Thaenae received colonial rights.^ 
Carthage, the residence of the proconsul, took the name 
of Hadrianopolis.* This is a proof that the emperor showed 
it especial favour, and adorned it with monuments. The 
New Carthage of the Romans, the foundation of Caesar, had 
already in the time of Augustus resumed her ancient position 
in Africa. She was the second city in the West, the third 
in the whole empire for size, beauty,: and population, in 
which she was only surpassed by Rome and Alexandria ; 
an emporium of commerce, with perhaps a million inhabit- 
ants, magnificent streets, splendid temples, theatres, and 
villas, and with her incomparable harbour, which, as in the 
days of Hamilcar, was alive with the ships of sea-faring 
nations. Carthage, indeed, was able to maintain her position 
until the time of the Vandals, as the seat of the finest Latin 
civilization, and she was the birthplace of famous men like 
Appuleius and TertuUian, Cyprian, Lactantius, and Augustine. 
Latin studies flourished throughout Africa as far as Numidia. 
Hadrian's great jurist, Salvius Julianus, was an African from 
Hadrumetum, and the orator Fronto. came from Cirta, the 
capital of Numidia. 

A great military road, starting from Lambaesis, protected 
the whole district of Numidia from the depredations of the 
Bedawin on the south. In the year 123 A.D., Hadrian had aU 
ready caused a road to be made by the llird legion Augusta,, 
under the command of his legate, P. Metilius Secundus, 
between Carthage and Theveste, a place in Numidia only a 
few miles to the east of Lambaesis.* The same legion was 
stationed at Lambaesis under the successor of Secundus, the 
l^ate Q. Fabius Catullinus, who, after giving up the com- 

^Zumpt, Comm. Ep, i. 421 C.LL. vi., n. 1686: colon i . COLON I ae • 

MERCURIALIS . THAENITANA, 11. 1685, and Gruter, 363 : COL . JULIA 4 

Lugduno-Bataviy p. 80; in Duerr, p. 40. 

'Spart c. 2a 

' Inscription on a milestone ; Guerin, Voyages archM. dam la R^gence 
de Tunisy ii. 75. CLL. viii., n. 10049. 

CHAP, xiii] Lambaesis 91 

mand of his African legion on ist of January 130 A.D., 
had held the consulship with M. Antonius Asper.^ 

Hadrian inspected the legion, and this review is recorded 
in an inscription on marble which gives the emperor's 
speech to the troops, and his favourable testimony to their 
military zeal under the leadership of Catullinus. The date 
of the order of the day was about the end of June, or the 
middle of July 128 A.D.' 

Lambaesis, whose ruins are to be found at Djebel Aures, 
is one of the most remarkable examples of the activity 
of the Roman legionaries, for the city owed its origin to the 
camp of the lllrd legion, whose entrenchments are still to 
be seen. This legion remained there for a long time, and 
indeed it appears to have been in Numidia as late as the 
year 400 A.D.* 

We cannot ascertain how far Hadrian's journey in Africa 
extended. The province owed to him the foundation of 
several municipia and colonies, which assumed the name 
of Aelia.* He had a road made from Cirta to Rusicade by 
the legate of the Ilird legion, C. Julius Major, seemingly 
after his own departure from Africa.* He probably then 

^The legates of the legio ill. Aug. held the command for three years, 
and were then promoted to a consulship. Henzen, Diploma miliiare 
dAdriano^ in Annali d, Inst 1857, p. 20. Wilmanns, Die rom. Lager- 
staedie AJricas {Comment, PhiloL Berlin, 1877), P« 209, calculates, 
according to Henzen, the duration of the command of Catullinus from 
the middle of 126 A.D. to the middle of 129 a.d. 

'See the inscription found by Renier in Wilmanns {Die rom. Lager- 
staedie) and C./.Z. viii., n. 2532. 

'Dedicatory inscriptions to Hadrian by veterans of this legion at 
Lambaesis, under P. Cassius Secundus and Q. Fabius Catullinus, in 
Renier, Itucr. rom, de PAlgirie^ n. i sq. On Lambaesis, Boissiere, 
LAlgMe romaine^ p. 333 sq. From the Canabae^ originally settlements 
of veterans and merchants, a city arose under Marcus Aurelius. Unfor- 
tunately, the French have, since 1844, used this ancient station as a 
quarry, and thus destroyed it 

^ Duerr, p. 40 j^., has recorded the relations of Hadrian to Aelia near 
Thysdrus, to Aelium, Colonia Aelia Banasa, Aelium Choba, etc. 


RUSICADENSIS . . . Renier, Inscr, rom, de PAlgdrie, n. 2296 ; n. 3842, 
inscription from Quiza and Arsennaria. 

$2 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.lch.xiii 

planted colonies in Libya, which had been devastated by the 
rebellion of the Jews, while in Cyrenaica he founded the city 
of Hadriana or Hadrianopolis.^ 

- ^ It is mentioned in the Itinerar, AntotL and in the Tabula Peutingeriana. 
The coin RSSTITUTORI Libyae b doubtful| according to Eckhel, vL, 

P- 497. 


Second Journey to the East. Hadrian in Athens and 
Eleusis. Journey to Asia. Ephesus. Smyrna. 

From Africa Hadrian returned to Rome to begin his 
second great journey to the East, by way of Athens to Asia 
Minor, Syria, and Egypt^ The Romans might well be 
astonished at the restlessness of their emperor, who seemed 
to look upon the capital of the empire as only a temporary 
dwelling place, and to prefer foreign provinces, especially 
Greece, to Italy. He sailed for Athens either at the end of 
128 A.D., or at the beginning of the following year. 

If the information of Spartianus is correct, his presence 
was required there for the dedication of the buildings begun 
by him, and now completed ; but that the dedication of the 
great temple of Zeus took place then, or that so many of 
Hadrian's buildings in Athens could have been finished 
simultaneously, admits of reasonable doubt.' The Athenians 
must h«ive been transported with delight at the speedy return 
of the emperor. Having reckoned his first arrival as an 
epoch in the calendar, they will have celebrated his second 

^Spart c. 13: Denique, cum post Africam Romam redisset, statim 
ad orientem profectus per Athenas iter fecit — but who vouches for the 
chronological accuracy of this statim t Duerr, p. 32, concludes from 
Ulpian, Dig. 5, 3, 20, 6, that Hadrian was in Rome in the first half of 
March 129 A.D., as the S.C. Juventianum was passed on a motion by 
Hadrian in writing on the 14th of March. 

' Spartian's sentence presupposes this : Atque opera, quae apud 
Athenienses coeperat, dedicavit, ut Jovis Olympii aedem et aram sibi. 

94 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

visit with extraordinary honours. It was then, apparently, 
that they added to the twelve Attic tribes a thirteenth, 
giving it the name Hadrianis.^ To the emperor, if he were 
sufficiently familiar with the past history of Athens, the 
honour must have appeared a doubtful one. For it was 
the same honour which Antigonus and Demetrius had 
formerly received from the Athenians, and had afterwards 
been obliged to surrender to the kings Attalus of Pergamum 
and Ptolemy of Egypt* 

Unfortunately, we are very much in the dark as to the 
indebtedness of Greece to this emperor, with r^ard to the 
improvement in the conditions of its municipal and national 
economy ; for the list of inscriptions and coins of the cities, 
praising him as their benefactor and founder, conveys no 
definite information. In spite of all the glitter of new 
temples, festivals, and games, Greece remained politically 
a ruin, never to be reanimated by a vigorous national life. 

From Athens Hadrian revisited the most important cities 
in Greece. Sparta celebrated his second visit by games, 
and extolled him as her deliverer.* An inscription from 
Mantinea, according to which the grammateus of this city 
dedicated to him a statue and a temple, is probably of this 
date.^ Megara created a new tribe, Hadrianis, in honour 
of the emperor.^ Inscriptions from Corinth, Thespiae, 
Coronea, and from Phocis and some of the islands, leave it 
uncertain as to the period to which they belong.^ Before 
Hadrian journeyed further from Athens into Asia, he was 
again in Eleusis, and he there probably received the second 

'The phyle Hadrianis is frequently mentioned in inscriptions, whidi 
have been collected by Hertzberg, ii. 343 sq, Dittenberger, Die atHscktH 
Phylen (in Hermes^ 1875, i^* 3^6, 397). Hermann, Jahrbttch </. griech. 
StaaisalUrthuvier, 5. Auflage, § 176. In consequence of the thirteenth 
phyle, the council of Athens was again reduced to 500. 

' Pausanias, i. 5, 5. 
*C.LG, n. 1308 sq. 
^ Le Bas-Foucart, Sect vi. Arcadie^ n. 352 g, 

• CJ,G. n. 1072. 

* Passim in Boeckh, CJ,G, Thespiae 1614, Coronea 161 5, Mitylene 
2I77» Andros 2349 m. (add. vol, ii.), Aegina 332, Thera 2454. 

ciiAf. XIV] Journey to Asia 95 

and final initiation.^ The council of this city erected a 
statue to the priestess of Demeter, on the base of which 
she has commemorated both the emperor and herself in 
verse. " I have celebrated the mysteries," so says this 
noble priestess, " not to the honour of the Dioscuri, nor to 
Asclepius, nor to Heracles, but to Hadrian, the sovereign of 
the world, the ruler over innumerable mortals, the bestower 
of inexhaustible benefits upon every city, and especially 
upon the city of Cecrops."* 

Hadrian was able to celebrate the festival of the month 
Boedromion at Eleusis ; ' he then went, about the autumn of 
129 A.D., to Ephesus by sea.^ It was his second visit to 
the city of Artemis. 

Ephesus, one of the great centres of commerce between 
Asia, Greece, and Egypt, was still so flourishing at this time 
that she could venture to call herself ** the first and greatest 
metropolis of Asia." ^ She was also the seat of the Roman 
proconsul. Other cities of the province, such as Pergamum, 
Sardis, Cyzicus, and Smyrna, cast envious glances upon their 
fortunate rival. They disputed her precedence, particularly 
in the right of presiding at the festal union and provincial 
diet of Asia (to koivov 'A<r/a9). The provincial games were 
celebrated in every city, but the Panionian games, which 
were connected with the festival of the great Artemis, were 
held only in Ephesus.^ 

*The initiation consisted of two parts, iworrt^ip^ the word which 
Eusebiut and Dion use of Hadrian's Eleusinian initiation, means, to 
receive the last and highest degree. Cp. SaUnasius on the 13th chapter 
of Spartianus. 

*'A#rcror 6f wi/rait rXoOror icaWx^vc w6\wffUf, *A9pcai^ acXccr^t S* l|oxtt 
Kcacpovfiff. C./.G, i., n. 434. 

*0n the Eleusian festivals, from 14 to 25 Boedromion, see the table 
in A Mommsen, Heortologie^ p. 268. 

* He says so himself, in the letter to the Ephesians referred to previously 
(Wood, Discav. of Ephes, n. \\ The date is Trib. Pot xiii. (129 A.D.). 
The inscription was found by Wood in the great theatre, and is now in 

* wftigni acol /uyUrri ftrfrpiwoKif t% 'Afflat, in inscriptions in Wood, Discov, 
Appendix. The vpc^ni and Atin-p6roX<f were also claimed by other cities 
of Asia. 

* Hadrian himself was honoured as Panionius. Inscription from 
Ephesus, Curtius in Himus^ iv. i, p. 182. 

96 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Ever since the Romans had inherited this city from Attalus 
of Pergamum, they had looked upon it as a jewel of their 
empire. All the emperors showed it favour. It was one of 
the fourteen cities of Asia Minor, which Tiberius restored 
after the terrible earthquake. On the base of the statue 
which the cities dedicated to him, the genius of Ephesus is 
depicted with three ears of corn, a pom^ranate and a 
poppy in her hand, symbols of the fertility of the district^ 
Claudius and Nero, Vespasian and Trajan, and finally 
Hadrian himself, adorned the city with so many buildings 
that the ruins to>day of temples and theatres, of stadia, gym- 
nasia, baths, and aqueducts, lying scattered over hills and 
valleys, belong almost entirely to the Roman period.* 

Near the slopes of the hills of Coressus and Prion, on 
which the magnificent remains of the city walls still show 
the strength of the old fortifications, lay Ephesus, stretched 
out in a wide plain watered by the Cenchrius and the 
Cayster ** rich in swans." The charm of this landscape sur- 
passes even the beauty of the plain of Sardis through which 
the Hermus flows. The city was connected with the sea, that 
was some miles distant, by artificial harbours. The riches of 
nature, the influence of Lydia and Persia, and the intoxicating 
sensuousness of the worship of Artemis, had conspired to 
make the people of Ephesus the most luxurious of Ionia. 
Their city was the paradise of the pleasures, the vices 
and the mysteries of the East It was full of musicians, 
comedians and dancers, priests, magicians and astrologers. 
Their superstitious arts were famous throughout the world; 
the Ephesian symbols of the girdle and wreath of the many- 
breasted Diana were even worn in Rome as amulets, and 
the sentimental tales of fiction, for which no more suitable 
scene than Ephesus could be found, were eagerly read 
throughout the empire. 

The city owed its world-wide fame to the temple of 

^ This pedestal stands in the museum of Naples. A similar represen- 
tation on Ephesian coins, Mionnet, Suppl, vi., n. 88a Edward Falkener, 
Ephesus and the Temple of Diana^ 1862, ii. 291. 

'Wood, p. II. Under Antoninus a great part of the city near the 
Odeum was rebuilt See, in addition to Wood and Falkener, also E. 
Guhl, Ephesiaca^ 1843 ; Hyde Clarke, Ephesus^ 1862. 

CHAP, xiv] Ephesus 97 

Artemis, a masterpiece of Ionic architecture. Seven times 
was it destroyed and rebuilt,^ and finally, on the night that 
Alexander the Great was bom, it was utterly demolished by 
the torch of a madman. This temple, the work of Chersi- 
phron, was the largest of antiquity, 425 feet long and 
220 feet broad, supported by columns 60 feet in height.* 
Dinocrates, the gifted architect of Alexander, at once began 
a magnificent new building, apparently on the same scale,' 
and this Hadrian found when he came to Ephesus. Of its 
one hundred and twenty-seven pillars, thirty-six were adorned 
on the base with figures larger than life in relievo.* The 
artists of Greece had vied with each other, both before 
and after the time of Alexander, to adorn the sanctuary of 
Diana with beautiful works of art. Phidias and Polycletus, 
Praxiteles and Myron worked for it ; Lysippus had placed 
there the statue of Alexander; and the great painters, Parr- 
hasius (an Ephesian by birth), Euphranor, Zeuxis and 
Apelles, produced their noblest paintings for this temple.* 
Though, in the course of time, many works of art may have 
disappeared, the Artemisium was still, in the age of Hadrian, 
a richer museum than the temple of Apollo at Delphi. It 
served at the same time as the common treasure-house for 
all Asia, wherein cities and private individuals deposited 
their gold. 

The priesthood of Artemis had at one time authority, in the 
name of the goddess, to govern the city and its neighbour- 
hood.* Alexander, and subsequently Mithridates and Mark 
Antony, to please the priests, had largely increased the extent 
of the temple precincts, which were intended to serve as an 
asylum. Augustus judiciously modified their extent, and 

* Pliny, H,N. xvi. 79, i. 
*Stnibo, 64a 

* Of thi^ temple Callimachus, Hymn to Diatia^ v. 249, says : roC d* odrc 
Mgrtpm S^trai i^t, odd* d^wei6r€p0P. 

* Pliny, //,N. xxxvi. 21 (columnae celatae) : see explanations to map of 
city of Ephesus by F. Adler, AbhandL dtr Akad, d. IVissensch, lu Berlin^ 
1873, 34 sq, 

•Guhl, Ephesincn^ p. 186 sq, Falkener, p. 305. 

*0n their power and policy consult Curtius, Beitraege zur Gesch. und 

Tapcgr. KliinasiitiSy Berlin, 1873. 


98 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

surrounded them with a wall.^ But the emperor respected 
the privil^es of the temple, and Hadrian especially seems to 
have been well disposed to Diana of the Ephesians. The 
fact that Ephesus was the seat of the proconsul must have 
tended to spread Roman and imperial worship, which was in 
no way antagonistic to the policy of the priesthood of the 
temple. Servility to the emperor seems to have flourished 
nowhere so much as in this city, and Ephesus probably was 
the real birthplace of this degrading emperor-worship.' 
Ephesian coins connect Hadrian even with the great 
goddess Artemis, who is depicted upon them standing in 
her temple or between two stags, as she is represented in 
the well-known statue in Naples.' The second Neocoria of 
the city is recorded on coins and inscriptions in honour of 
the emperor.^ After Hadrian had assumed the surname 
Olympius, his Olympian games were celebrated there. A 
sanctuary of the deified emperor, belonging to the whole 
province of Asia, stood there under the authority of the 
high priest, the Asiarch, who presided over the games.^ The 
priests of the Artemisium dedicated statues to Hadrian and 
his consort, worshipping them as gods after their death, 
equally with Diana.^ 

'Strabo, 641. Augustus built the peribolus in the year 6 11.C. Wood 
found the Augustan inscriptions on the corner of it, and they led him to 
the site of the temple. The Artemisium was destroyed by the Goths 
about one hundred and forty years after the visit of Hadrian, when 
Gallienus was emperor (260-268 A.D.). Its position bad become so utterly 
effaced that it took Wood six years until he found it in the spring of 187a 
A big swampy pit, grown over with rush and jungle, and a dust heap of 
lime with a few remains of the temple are all that is left of the once 
glorious Artemisium. Close by stands the magnificent mosque of Selim, 
which was built from stones of the temple. 

* Krause, Neokoros, Prellcr, R, Mythologies " Kaisercultus," 425. 
Smyrna, however, claims to have been the first to erect a templum urbis 
Romae. Tacitus, Ann. iv. 56. 

'Mionnet, SuppL vi., p. 136, n. 381 sq. 

^C.LA. iii. pt I., n. 485. C.I,G, 2965. ^C.LL, iii. 246 sq, 

'Ephesian inscriptions in honour of Hadrian, compiled by Duerr, 
Anhangs n. 27 sq. Inscriptions to Sabina, C,I,G, n. 2964-66. N. 2965 
was erected when Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus, subsequently the emperor 
Anton. Pius, was proconsul of Asia (before 135 A.D.). Wood, Afip, n. 3. 
CJ.L, iii., n. 6070 a, inscription on a statue erected by the bule in Ephesus 

CHAP. XIV] Smyrna 99 

ir the emperor had looked deeper into the fantastic 
world of Ephesus, he would have discerned a quiet but well 
organized community, who called themselves Christians, 
living side by side with the worshippers of the ancient 
goddess, with her choruses of maidens clad in purple, and 
her swarms of effeminate priests in the temple. Into this 
fertile soil of Asiatic fanaticism the seed of the Gospel 
had early fallen, and had flourished vigorously. From the 
neighbourhood of the temple of Artemis the disciples of the 
new religion of the world had promulgated their doctrine 
through Asia Minor. In Ephesus the Apostle Paul had 
preached for three years, and probably the Apostle John had 
lived there. The fourth gospel originated here, and this 
very city of Diana, which " manifested to Asia and the 
world the service of God," was a centre of life for the gospel, 
and a school for Christian dogma.^ 

From Ephesus Hadrian revisited many other cities in 
Asia. Smyrna, the queen of the Ionian Sea, appears to 
have attracted him the most. Above the city stood the 
legendary seat of the Tantalids, the gloomy mountain 
Sipylus, where the rocky image of the weeping Niobe is still 
to be seen ; at her feet lay the gulf covered with ships, 
while the smooth plains that stretched for miles showed a 
continuous line of orchards. 

Smyrna boasted that she had been founded by Tantalus, 
or by Theseus, or by the Amazons ; above all, she plumed 
herself upon being the birthplace of Homer. The statue 
of the poet stood in a magnificent building, the Homereum, 
and received as much honour as Cybele, the mother of 
the gods, in her famous temple. The great city vied with 
Ephesus in calling herself the first and most splendid 
city of Asia in beauty and size, metropolis of Asia, three 
times Ncocorus of the Augusti, and glory of Ionia.* Her 

to the younger Matidia, sister of Diva Sabina. The oldest inscription of 
Hadrian of which we know is a decree of the emperor of 27th September 
120 A.n., in the form of a letter to the gerusia of the city, whose envoys 
presented it to Cornelius Priscus, proconsul of Asia. Curtius, Inschriften 
aus Ephesus^ in Hermes^ iv. i, 178. 

"Renan, St, Paul^ p. 333 sq,\ LEglise chrHienne^ p. 46. 

^CJ.G. n. 3 19 1, 3202, and some other inscriptions. 

loo The Emperor Hadrian Tbook i 

splendour must have been great, if we may credit the 
enthusiastic description of Aristides, when he speaks of the 
charm of her scenery, her baths, theatres and porticos, her 
many gymnasia and temples. He described Smyrna, after 
she had been destroyed by an earthquake in the time of 
Marcus Aurelius, as the picture of the earth, the theatre of 
Greece, the creation of nymphs and Graces.^ 

The city was rich from its trade by sea and caravan, 
and it was also an important seat of philosophy. The 
celebrated Polemon, a friend of Hadrian, lived there. To 
please him, Hadrian loaded Smyrna with favours.^ The 
grateful Smymiots erected a temple to the emperor, and 
afterwards celebrated the Olympia of Hadrian with special 
magnificence.^ Smyrna even assumed the surname Adriana.^ 

In the interior of Lydia, near the slo|)cs of Sipylus 
and Tmolus, where the Hermus flows through a great 
plain, lay a number of ancient cities which had been made 
famous as scenes of the contest for the supremacy in Asia, 
first between the kings of Lydia and Persia, and subse- 
quently between the Seleucids and the Romans. The 
most considerable were Magnesia (near Mount Sipylus, where 
the Scipios had broken the power of king Antiochus), Sardis 
and Philadelphia. Sardis was still rich and powerful in 
the time of Hadrian. The old roya^ citadel was still in 
existence on its steep rocky height, at whose foot, on the 
bank of the golden Pactolus, stood the temple of Cybele, 
her priesthood always at variance with the priesthood of 

^Or. XX. monody on Smyrna. Strabo (646) had already called her 
KoXKlarrj rCtv woffQtv : Lucian, Effforct, 9^1 4 i^OLKXiaTfi rujr 'IcoriKiM' wUKtwf, 

* Philostr. Vita Soph, ii., p. 43 (ed. Kayser). The Smymiot inscription. 
CLG, 3148 records the benefactions of Hadrian, received through Polemon, 
the second Neocoria, the atelia, festival games, the api)ointmcnt of 
theologoi and hymnodoi, great sums of money, and buildings. Coins 
struck in honour of Hadrian by Polemon : Mionnet, iii., p. 227 ; StippL 
vi., p. 34a 

*CJ.G. n. 3174 : *0\viLwU^ fftariipi koI miffj^, N. 3175 is an inscription 
from the time of Antoninus Pius, according to which Hadrian had issued 
regulations to the Smymiots with respect to these Olympia. Smymiot 
coins of Hadrian with the figure of Jupiter and two temples, Mionnet^ 
iii., p. 227 sg, 

^ Mionnet, iii., p. 205. Eckhel, ii. 544. 

CHAP, xiv] Sardis loi 

Diana of the Ephesians. On the other side of the Hermus, 
between the river and the sea of Gyges, were situated the 
burial-places of the Lydian kings, with their innumerable 
tumuli as well preserved as when they were described by 

Sardis received the first Neocoria from Hadrian.* An 
inscription of this city, which relates to a decree of Trajan 
about quinquennial games, calls Hadrian the new Dionysus.' 
In this ancient city of Croesus, as in the other cities of 
Lydia, the Christian community was already very large, 
and soon after Hadrian's time Bishop Melito became famous 
as the apologist of Christianity, and compiler of the 
canonical writings of the Old Testament. 

There are inscriptions from other cities in Lydia and 
Caria, such as Colophon and Magnesia on the Meander, 
from Thyatira, from Tralles and Miletus, which mention 
the benefactions of Hadrian.* The once magnificent 
Miletus, decayed since the time of Alexander the Great, 
still existed with its harbour. It claimed to be the 
metropolis of Ionia, but the preservation of its fame was 
due only to the ancient oracle temple of Apollo Didymeus. 
Milesian inscriptions connect Hadrian with this god, and 
with the Pythian Artemis.* Phrygia has Hadrianic coins 

' When, in the spring of 1882, I visited Sardis, Mr. Dennis was busy 
excavating some tumuli. The Sardian Acropolis is in danger of falling 
before long from the rocky summit. 

"Krause, Neokoros^ p. 53. 

'Perhaps this decree was issued by Hadrian himself, see Boeckh's 
note in C/.C7. n. 3455. 

* Colophon: C/.C7. n. 3036. Magnesia: Mionnet, iii. 148. The 
inscription of the Magnetes, CJ.G, n. 2910, mentions extraordinary 
presents received from Hadrian. The inscription of Tralles, CJ,G, 
n. 3927, says that the strategus Aulus Fabricius Priscianus Charmosynos 
provisioned the city, by order of Hadrian, with 60,000 modii of grain 
from Egypt Tralles and Miletus called Hadrian their founder. 
Mionnet, 5///9^/. vii., p. 470 ; vi., p. 274. The cities Philomelium and Strato- 
nicea assumed the name Adriane. In Thyatira mention is made of 
an Adrianeum. CLG, 3491. 

• 'Av^XXciyrt LAvtuX rat AirroKpdropi 'Adpiainf. — CLG, 2863, 2866, 2877. 

The attribute Olympius shows that they were placed subsequent to 
its acceptance. CJ.G. 339: ^ iirirp6wo\i%^ r9ii*liawiat 'hiiikiiffiw r6X<f, erects 
a monument to Hadrian in the Olympieum of Athens. 

102 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

of arrival and restoration. Inscriptions are preserved, 
especially from Aezani, which record that Hadrian fixed 
the boundaries which had been disputed for ages between 
this community and the temple of Zeus.^ 

He spent the winter of 129-130 A.D. in Ephesus or in 
Smyrna. From there he could visit Lycia, the wonderful 
land of Sarpedon, whose league of cities with an independent 
constitution had existed down to the time of Vespasian. 
For it was Vespasian who first deprived Lycia of her 
autonomy, and united the district with Pamphylia as a 
Roman province. The Greek character had developed there 
in manners, customs and language, and also in art, as may 
be seen from the monuments and tombs.^ 

The most important cities of Lycia were Xanthus with 
its famous temple and oracle of Apollo, Patara, Telmessus, 
Tlos, Phaselis, Pinara, Myra and Olympus. Inscriptions 
from the port of Phaselis record the arrival of Hadrian, but 
his visit there seems to have taken place after his return 
from Egypt.* 

He then visited many harbours and cities in Pisidia and 
Pamphylia, such as Olbia and Perge, Aspendus, Side and 

^ Le Bas-Wadd. n. 860, under Avidius Quietus, proconsul of Asia. 

* The interest in this country has been revived by the Austrian expedi- 
tion in the year 1882. Vorlaeuf Bericht ueber zwei oesterr, archaeolog. 
Expeditiotun nach Kleinasien^ von Otto Benndorf, Wien, 1883. Eine 
Reise durch das Land des Sarpedon^ von Alex. v. Warsberg, Oesterr, 
Rundschau^ 1883. 

'Phaselis : C.I.G. n. 4336, 4337, and add. p. 1157 : statues erected ^W^ 
rfjii iwifidffem aCroO, by the Acalassenians and Cory dalles. Two others, 
4334, 4335, have the Trib. Pot. xv. For these Duerr gives, p. 160, the 
year 130 A.D., and fixes that time for the visit of Hadrian to Lycia. 
But as the 22nd of March 129 A.D. is given for Hadrian's 13th Trib. Pot 
(C./.L. iii., pt. ii. p. 11 11, Mommsen's table), the 14th will still fall in the 
spring of 130A.D. and the 15th only in the spring of 131 A.D. Statues 
might have been erected even in the emperor's absence. Olympus in 
Lycia erected one to him- with the inscription, varpl varpldot awijpi ro9 
Kdfffjiov, without the addition of Olympius : Le Bas-Wadd. n. 1342. In 
Myra grain magazines of Hadrian are mentioned, C./.L. iii., n. 232 (in 
minis Myrorum ad ostia fluvii Andraki). 

^An inscription from Cibyra calls him eC^pyirrjp xal ffurriipa roO xdafAovi 
C.LG. 4380— most likely the same Cibyra which erected a monument 

riiAP. xiv] Cilicia 103 

In Cilicia, the cities of Tarsus, Adane, Aegae and Mops- 
vestia could not have assumed the name Adriana without 
special reason. As this coast lying between Pamphylia and 
Syria seems to have been a separate province since the time 
of Hadrian governed by a propraetorian legate, it is clear 
that the emperor reorganized it.* 

Hadrian then went into Syria. 

at Puteoli in honour of Hadrian after his death. C.l.G, 5852. There 
were, however, two cities of this name in Pisidia or Cabalia, and in 

1 Marquardt, Rem Staatsv, i., p. 388. ADVENT. AUG.CILICIAE. Cohen, 
iL, p. 109, n. 29. Tarsus records the first Neocoria under Hadrian. 
Krause, Neokoros, p. 80. 


Hadrian in Syria. Antioch. Phoenicia. Heliopolis. 

Damascus. Palmyra 

Syria, which had been Roman since the time of Pompey, 
was the most important of all the provinces of the empire 
in Asia; it was garrisoned by several legions, and was 
governed by a consular legate appointed by the emperor. 
After Judaea had been separated from it in the year 70 A.D., 
this great territory, originally full of ancient Semitic, and, 
from the time of Alexander, of Greek culture, comprised 
northern Syria, Phoenicia and Chalcidene with the eastern 
districts of Auranitis and Trachonitis. As Commagene was 
also under the rule of the legate of Syria, the whole province 
stretched from Cappadocia and Cilicia to the Euphrates, 
between the Arabian desert, its barrier against the Bedawin, 
and the Phoenician sea past Palmyra, Damascus and the 
Lebanon down to the borders of Palestine. 

Numerous cities, Greek in constitution, chiefly foundations 
of the Seleucids, or ancient seats of the Phoenicians and 
Aramaeans, were then flourishing by their maritime inter- 
course, by the caravan traffic with Persia and India, and by 
their trade in the fabrics of the East The ruling population 
was Greek, and was based on the down-trodden Aramaic 
and Phoenician nationalities, which, to the east of Damascus, 
mingled with the Arabs. The native Semites found them- 
selves in the same relation to the Greeks and Romans, as 
the Carthaginians in Africa, and with equal vitality the 
worship of Baal and Melkart, Adonis and Astarte — a wor- 
ship which in antiquity rivalled that of the Egyptians — 
continued to exist. 

UK. I. III. XV] Hadrian in Syria 105 

The capital of Syria, the seat of the Roman government, 
was the free, autonomous city of Antioch on the Orontes, 
which Seleucus Nicator had founded in honour of his father 
Antiochus. She called herself " the Great," and was, in I 
fact, one of the most populous and beautiful cities of the \ 
Roman empire.^ 

She shone by her wealth and magnificence, and by the 
luxury of her festivals, which were celebrated in the groves 
of Daphne, hard by the Seleucid temple of Apollo. 

It was in Antioch that Hadrian had once been legate of 
Syria. His adoption by Trajan had been conferred upon 
him in the royal palace on the island of Orontes, the resi- 
dence of the Roman governor, and the first months of his 
reign had been spent there. We do not know whether he 
had visited Antioch again before his second journey to the 
East His visit in the year 130 A.D. cannot be doubted, 
although there are no records to confirm it, inscriptions 
and coins of Antioch being strangely wanting. There are 
not even Syrian coins of the arrival |of Hadrian, only those 
marked Exercitus Syriacus} 

The luxury of the Syrians infected the Roman army, \ 
and nowhere had Hadrian so much trouble as in Antioch I 
with the discipline of the troops. They were refractory 
and corrupted by every vice. Insurrections often took 
place, even under Marcus Aurelius, when the strict Avidius I 
Cassius, afterwards himself a rebel, was their commander.'! 
The citizens of Antioch, like the Alexandrians, were mis- 
chievous, satirical and frivolous. Even the emperor Julian 
suffered from their faults, and revenged himself upon them 
by his Misopogon, 

Hadrian, too, must have had disagreeable experiences ofl 

' Strabo, 750. ' Eckhel, vi., p. 501. 

' Fronto, Princip, Histor,^ p. 227 : Comiptissimi vcro omnium Syriatici 
milites. Ad Ventm Imp.y p. 133 : Antiochiae adsidue plaudere histrionibus 
consueti, saepius in nemore vicinae ganeae quam sub signis habitt. Thus, 
says Fronto, Vcnis received the Syrian army. The discipline of Hadrian 
had therefore borne no fruit The Roman troops in Syria were distributed 
among many garrisons. In the beginning of the first century of the 
empire, four legions were quartered there : vi. Ferrata, x. Fretensis, 
111. Gallica, Xll. Fulminata. Marquardt, Rom, Staafnf, i. 427. 

io6 The Emperor Hadrian [rook i 

) the character of this people, for Spartianus tells us that 
Antioch became so hateful to him that he wished to separate 
Syria from Phoenicia, in order that the city might not be 
called the metropolis of so large a district^ However, 
he must have had more serious reasons for this project 
to divide Syria than his discontent with the populace of 
the capital of the province. He did not carry it out, for 
Syria was first actually divided by Septimius Severus In 
the year 198 A.D.^ Indeed Hadrian's dislike for Antioch 
may be doubted, or it may have been only a transitory 
feeling ; for a later Byzantine writer asserts that the 
emperor built a theatre there, a temple for the nymphs 
of Daphne, baths and aqueducts, and dedicated them 
solemnly on the 23rd of June.* 

Hadrian went up Mount Casius, in the vicinity of 
Antioch, in order to see the sun rise, and to offer 
sacrifices in the sanctuary of Zeus, where, in former times, 
he had accompanied Trajan when he had brought votive 
offerings from the spoils of the Dacian war.^ A storm 
broke, and both victim and priest were struck by lightning. 
With this anecdote, Spartianus dismisses the subject, without 
saying anything about the actions of Hadrian in Syria, or 
without mentioning the names of many other cities, par- 
ticularly the famous old cities of Phoenicia, which he visited. 
Hadrian must then have gone southwards along the coast by 
Laodicea, Aradus and Tripolis to Byblus and Berytus. The 
Seleucid Laodicea commemorated his gifts by an inscrip- 
tion on a statue which the city erected to him in the 
Olympieum at Athens.* From Berytus, too, there is a 

^Spart. c. 14. 

■ Marquardt, Rom, Staatsv, i. 423. E. Bormann, De Syriae Pr<nK Rom, 
Partibus^ p. 16 sq, Septimius Severus seems to have placed Antioch 
under Laodicea, nevertheless the city maintained her rank until the time 
of the Arabs. Herodian, iii. in Sever,, p. 523. Suidas, V, Sever,^ p. 869. 
Eckhel, iii. 317. 

'Malalas, 278 (ed. Migne). 

^According to Pliny, H,N, v. 18, 3, one could see the sun from Casius 
already about the fourth night watch, and, so to say, observe day and 
night at the same time. 

* CI. A, iii., pt. I. 479. She calls herself Julia Laodicea, and Icpd, dffvXof^ 
a^6i'0M0f, and friendly ally of the Roman people. 

CHAP. XV] Phoenicia 107 

dedicatory Inscription in honour of Hadrian.* This noble 
seaport at the foot of the Lebanon, the present Beyrout, bore 
the name of Julia Augusta Felix Berytus, after its coloniza- 
tion by Augustus. The key to the district of the Lebanon^ 
its fine situation and safe harbour have preserved it through 
all the storms of time, and make it even to-day one of the 
most flourishing cities of Syria. 

From Berytus Hadrian could proceed to Tyre and Sidon. 
These remarkable cities, parents of so many Phoenician 
colonies, which long before the time of the Greeks had 
thrown open the seas to all nations, and had made them- 
selves masters of the commerce of the world, were now 
merely the ruins of their former days, but in spite of their 
decay they were still large and splendid places. Trade and 
navigation, especially the silk manufacture, and the purple 
fishery, maintained their prosperity. They had retained 
some degree of liberty from the days of the Seleucids, and 
even under the Romans. Strabo spoke of both cities as 
brilliant in antiquity and in his own time ; he praised their 
situation on their famous harbours, of which Tyre had 
preserved both — the Egyptian and the Sidonian — while the 
dam of Alexander still connected the island with the main- 
land.* Tyre had borne the title of metropolis for a long 
time, and seems to have generally maintained her precedence 
among the cities of Phoenicia,^ She first became a colony 
with Latin rights in the time of Septimius Severus. She 
was the chief seat of the worship of Melkart, or the 
Phoenician Heracles, who had a famous temple there.* At 
the same time, one of the earliest and most important of the 
Christian communities of Syria arose at Tyre. 

No precise information has come down to us of the 
presence of Hadrian in Tyre and Sidon. Nor have we any 
accurate account of his journey to Helio|X)lis or Baalbek, in 

^C.l.L, iii. 165. Coin : Astarte in a temple, with the horn of plenty, in 
Foy-Vaillant, p. 153. Mionnet, v. 340. 

•Strabo, 756 sq. Pnitz, Aus PhoenixUn^ p. 182 sq, 

'According to Suidas (Paulus Tyrius) Hadrian conferred this title upon 
her, whereas Tyre had held it already since 94 A.D. Bormann, p. 17. 

*Liician, Dea Syria^ c. 3. In Sidon stood the temple of Astarte, and 
Byblus was the principal seat of the Adonis worship. 

io8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Coele-Syria, or to Damascus and Palmyra. But the emperor 
must have visited these cities from Berytus (Beyrout). 

Heliopolis, whose foundation was ascribed by the Arabians 
to Solomon, was one of the most ancient cities in Syria, 
for its colossal square buildings on the Acropolis point 
to a very early period of Syrian strength and archi- 
tecture.^ It did not then possess the magnificent temple 
whose ruins to-day are one of the wonders of the East. 
Strabo, indeed, only mentions it casually in connection with 
Chalcis in Coele-Syria. Augustus restored it, but did not 
make it into a colony. On its coins, which exist from the 
time of Hadrian to Gallienus, it is called Colonia Julia 
Augusta Felix Heliopolitana, but whether Hadrian first 
bestowed the right of a colony upon it is doubtful.^ In any 
case the emperor may have erected many buildings there, 
although the monumental splendour of the city of Baal 
belongs to the time of his successors. Antoninus Pius is 
said to have commenced the buildings of the great temple 
of Zeus.* 

From Heliopolis a caravan road ran over the Anti- 
Lebanon to Damascus, the paradise of the Syrian desert. 
This famous city, one of the most ancient in the East, 
was, even in the time of David, the seat of a Syrian 
principality. It maintained its position through all the 
storms in the history of Asia, under the government of 
the Assyrians, Babylonians and Persians, and became, after 
Alexander, the residence of the Seleucids, before they made 
Antioch the capital of their beautiful empire. Greek culture 
penetrated into Damascus. Greeks, Jews, Syrians and 
Arabians composed the inhabitants of this flourishing city, 
which was the crowded emporium of commerce between the 
countries of the Euphrates, Arabia, Egypt and Phoenicia. 
In the year 64 B.C., Pompey conquered it for the Romans, 

^ Ritter, Erdkunde^ viii. 2. Abtheil., p. 229. 

'These names, C./.Z. iii., n. 202, at the time of Sept. Severus. Zumpt, 
Comm, £p, i. 418, asserts that Hadrian fortified Heliopolis about 132 A.D., 
because of the Jewish war, and raised it to a colony. See also Marquardt, 
Rom, Siaaisv. i. 428. But Moinnet (v., p. 298) has a coin of Nerva with 
Col. Julia Hel., and the symbol of a husbandman with two rams. 

' Malalas, ed. Bonn, 280. 

CHAP, xv] Damascus 109 

but it did not then become incorporated with the empire, 
for tributary kings reigned there, and for some time it was 
in the possession of Herod the Great, when he was governor 
of Coele-Syria, Damascus first became a Roman city of 
the province of Syria after Cornelius Palma had broken the 
power of the kings of Arabia. 

The numerous channels of the Chr>'sorrhoas (Baradd), 
which flow with considerable force from the Anti-Lebanon, 
early converted the desert round Damascus into a luxur- 
iantly fertile plain, and even to-day the gardens, which 
stretch for miles around, are looked upon by the Bedawin 
as the Eden of the world. On the coins, the city is 
depicted as a woman with a mural crown on her head, 
seated on a rock overhanging the river, holding in her left 
hand a fish, in her right a cornucopia.* We know nothing 
at all of what Hadrian did for Damascus. He seems to 
have made it a metropolis.* We hear nothing of his 
buildings there. The gigantic temple of the sun, whose 
ruins now stand near the great mosque, and over a por- 
tion of the bazaar, belongs probably to the time of Aurelian. 
In Damascus Paul was converted, and a numerous Christian 
community existed there, as in Ephesus, from that time. 

Close to the eastern borders of the Syrian desert was 
the oasis of Palmyra, the halting-place for the caravan 
traffic of India and Mesopotamia. A great road ran here 
from the Euphrates to Phoenicia, meeting the roads which 
reached Palmyra from Thapsacus, Babylon and the Persian 

Palmyra was the ancient Tadmor of the Arabians, which 
Solomon is said to have founded as a meeting-place for the 
caravans close to the Syrian desert. From the Seleucids 
the city had received a thoroughly Greek culture. It was 
afterwards a constant subject of dispute between the great 
powers of Rome and Parthia, until at last it was taken 
possession of by Trajan, who united it with Syria.* 

An inscription records the visit of Hadrian to this mar- 

' Eckhel, iii. 331. Mionnet, v., p. 287. 

• MAfquardt, Rom. Siaatsv, i. 43a According to Noris, Epoch, Syr<h 

M P- 769 he added it to Phoenicia. But all this is doubtful 
•Movers, Photninen^ iii. i, 292. * Pliny, H.N. v. 21, 3. 

no The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xv 

vellous city, and at the same time vouches for the emperor's 
previous visit to Baalbek and Damascus, for he could only have 
reached Palmyra by this route. The Greek inscription was 
•erected by the council and people of Palmyra to a citizen, 
Males Agrippa, who, at the time of the emperor's arrival, 
was secretary for the second time to the community, and 
who had deserved well from his fellow citizens and from 
strangers by the games he had given, and the sacrifices he 
had offered in the temple, as well as by his hospitable 
reception of the Roman troops.^ 

Hadrian was again in Palmyra, either in 130 A.D., on 
his journey through Syria to Egypt, or later, on his re- 
turn thence to Syria. He probably granted both Italian 
and colonial rights to the city, for in his honour it assumed 
the name Adriana.* 

His particular attention must have been directed to the 
military roads leading to the country of the Euphrates and 
to Bostra, and these he probably strengthened by forts. In 
the neighbourhood of Palmyra, the ruins of a temple bear 
the name of Hadrian, in whose honour it was built.' 

The glory of Palmyra began, as did that of Bostra, Petra 
and Baalbek, in the time of Hadrian and the Antonines, and 
reached its height in the third century, under the rule of 
Odenathus and of the great Zenobia. Aurelian then 
destroyed this noble city in the year 273 A.D. 

From Syria and Phoenicia Hadrian went, in 1 30 A.D.y to 
Judaea, and we follow him here with great interest, as the 
land was soon to become the theatre of terrible events. 

^ C.LG, 4482. Le Bas-Wadd. 2585. Vogu^ Syrie centraU^ Inter, 
simitiques^ Paris, 1868, p. 19, n. 16. ... ktx^id^ $€o9 'Ad/MOj^oO. The 
inscription must have been placed soon after Hadrian's visit Wadding- 
ton concludes, from the Palmyrenian text, the 442nd year of the Seleudd 
era, which began on the ist October 130 a.d. Vogii^ places the 
inscription in the year 131 a.d. 

«C./.C7. n. 4482, 6015, *Adpiapii ndXiivpa. Stcph. Byz. {Ethpu'kon), under 
Palmyra, says expressly that the Palmyrenians 'A^piai'oa'oXirai/icrciM'OMi^^ar 
hriKTia9ti9ri% r^ wokitat clr6 rod avroKpdropot, This is confirmed by C/.G. 6oi 5, 
where a Palmyrenian, Heliodorus, calls himself Adrianos. In Renier 
(Inscr, de VAlgdrU^ n. 1638) a Zabdiol Hadrianus is mentioned, veteran 
of the nutnerus Palmyrenorum in Numidia. 

'Vogu6, Ifiscr, Aram.f p. 50: inckp ffw^pUu . . . 'AJpcovoD. 


Hadrian in Judaea. Condition of Jerusalem. Founda- 
tion of the Colony Aelia Capitolina. Hadrian in 
AraMa. Bostra. Petra. The Country of Peraea. 
Gaza. Pelusium 

Judaea, or Palestine, had been separated from Syria after 
the war of destruction under Titus, and formed a separate 
province, under a praetorian legate who resided in Caesarea 
Palestina.^ This city, with Emmaus Nicopolis, both veteran 
colonies of Vespasian, had recently been destroyed by an 
earthquake in the year 129 A.D. The Jewish inhabitants 
who still remained, lived on in poverty among the ruins, 
as the Arabian inhabitants of the country do to-day under 
the Turkish pasha. All the intellectual strength of the 
Jews had taken refuge in the schools of the Rabbis at 
Jamnta, a city by the sea, between Joppa and Ashdod. 
Inspired prophets, at whose head stood the Rabbi Akiba, 
kept alive the hopes of a Messiah. 

When Hadrian came to Judaea, he saw no signs, deeply 
disturbed as the country was within, of an approaching 
outbreak, but he received only tokens of submission. In 
memory of his visit, coins were struck by the senate, which 
do not indeed call him the benefactor or restorer of Judaea, 
but which bear the usual symbol of restoration, a woman 
kneeling, whom the emperor raises from the ground, while 
children, probably the genii of the district of Palestine, 

^ Henzen (Note 3 in Borghesiy iv. 160) believes that the name Palaestina 
for Judaea was introduced by Hadrian. See Bullet d, Inst. 1848, p. 127. 
Ptolemy, v, c 15, has both names, IleXoi^r^'if ^ *Iovda/a Svjpja. 

112 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

come to meet him with palms of peace.^ There is no 
authentic record of Hadrian's arrival among the ruins of 

The fame of the old capital of the Jews was so great 
in the West, that Pliny had called it the most renowned 
city, not only of Judaea, but of the East.* But the city of 
the Asmoneans and of Herod had been destroyed by the 
Romans, and had not been rebuilt. Hadrian found it still 
lying in ruins, even if no longer in the condition in which 
Titus had left it. The destruction inflicted by this 
conqueror of Judaea was not quite complete. Josephus 
relates that Titus had spared the Herodian towers of 
Phasaelus, Hippicus and Mariamne, near the west wall, the 
one to be used as a garrison for the Roman camp, the 
other to serve as a witness to posterity of the strength of 
the city which had been subdued by the Roman forces.' 
Moreover, all the monumental buildings could not have 
been razed to the ground. A path, which still exists round 
the walls of the Har&m-es-Scherif, plainly shows important 
remains of the time of Herod, if not of the time of Solomon. 
The gigantic square stones at the wailing place of the Jews 
are still looked upon as the original blocks of the temple.^ 
In the fourth century, so little did Eusebius believe in the 
total destruction of Jerusalem, that he actually maintained 
that Titus had only demolished half the city, and that the 
rest had been destroyed by Hadrian.* 

1 ADVENTUI . AUG . JUDABAB . s . C Eckhel, vi. 495. F. Madden, Coins 
of the Jews (in Internat. Numis, Orientalia^ 1881, ii., p. 231, where the 
dates of the same author's Jewish coinage, p. 212, n. 5, are corrected) 
gives two arrival coins : Hadrian before a woman, Judaea, with a palm 
branch and a box, between them a burning altar, and at her side a child 
with a palm branch ; Hadrian before the figure of Judaea, two children 
with branches meeting him. 

*Hierosolyma longe clarissima urbium Orientis non Judaeae modo. 
Pliny, H,N. v. 15, i. 

'Josephus, BelL vii. i, i. 

*That Titus did not completely destroy Jerusalem is proved by De 
Saulcy, Les demiers Jours de J^rusaUm, Paris, 1806, p. 425 sq,\ Sepp, 
JerusaL und das heiL Land, i.*, p. 100 sq, 

^Eus. Dent, Evang, vi., n. 18. Ancient traditions assert that the 
Christian church on Zion (the coenaculum) and seven synagogues were 

ciiAi\ xvi] Jerusalem ii^ 

That a part of Jerusalem was still inhabited, is proved 
mainly by the fact that Titus, after his departure, ordered 
the xth legion Fretensis, which he himself had brought 
from the Euphrates to his father in Judaea, to occupy a 
camp on the west wall* Although the ultimate fate of 
this legion is obscure, it is indisputable that it continued 
to serve as a garrison in Palestine, as it was a fixed 
principle of the Roman government to keep the same 
troops in the same province. Many legions were stationed 
in the same place for centuries, until the decay of the 

The xth legion was in Judaea in Trajan's time, and from 
there it took part in the Parthian war.' In the year 1 30 A.D. 
Tineius Rufus commanded it as legate of Palestine, and 
Hadrian must then have reviewed it, or the part of it that 
was stationed in Jerusalem.* 

Wherever legions were permanently quartered, a garrison 
town arose to supply the necessities of officers and men ; the 
Xth legion must therefore have given to the ruined houses 

spared : Epiphan. De pond, et mens^ c. 14. Basnage i^Hist. des Juifsy 
xi. 255) thinks that remnants of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin still 
remained in Jerusalem after Titus, which is surely very doubtful. 

* Joseph, vii. i, 2, 3. On the legio x. Fretensis, Clermont- Ganneau 
in Comptes rendues^ A end, dlnscr, 1872, p. 158 sq, 

'The legio in. Gallica remained in Syria from the time of Augustus 
until the fifth century; the liird Cyrenaica from Trajan to Arcadius in 
Arabia. Clermont Ganneau, p. 162, gives two tile inscriptions of the 
xth legion from Jerusalem, of unknown date, and a dedicatory inscrip- 
tion of their princeps, Sabinus. 

'The inscription Henzen 5451 (restit. of Borghesi, iv. 125) gives Q. 
Pomp. Falco, the friend of the younger Pliny, as Legat, Aug, pro pr, 
Prov, Judaecu et Ugionis x, Fretensis, He was legate there about 
109 A.n. (Waddingt Pastes d, Prov, asiatiques^ p. 203X consul 112 A.D., 
proconsul of Asia 128 A.D. On him, Borghesi, viii. 365, and Mommsen, 
Ind nom. to Keil's edition of the Epistles of Pliny. 

*The coin (Eckhel, vi. 496) Exercitus Judaicus, may even have 
been struck after the Jewish war, and is not absolutely reliable. Not till 
late after Hadrian, was the xth legion stationed in Aila on the Red Sea 
(Euscb. Onomasticon to *A(Xafi, and Notitia Dign, c. 29). The southern 
part of Arabia had been added to Palestine as Palaestina salutaris or 
tertia at the end of the fourth century, or the beginning of the fifth. Kuhn^ 
Staedt, Verf, ii. 360, 373 sq, 


'n4 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

of Jerusalem more than the mere appearance of a town. 
The number of Jewish and Christian inhabitants had also 
gradually increased. The camp of the Roman troops on the 
west side, where the Herodian towers (the present Turkish 
citadel El Kalah) were used by them as fortress and capitol, 
might then be the foundation of a new colony, which Hadrian 
allowed to spring up on the ruins of the ancient city of 
David. The time of its origin is uncertain. The emperor had 
probably given orders, before his visit, for the foundation of 
the colony, but the rebuilding of Jerusalem was not finished 
either in the year 130 A.D. or for some years afterwards. 

Hadrian included Jerusalem in the system of military 
roads and fortresses which he extended as far as Petra in 
Arabia. The former capital of the Jews, like Damascus and 
Palmyra in Syria, and like Ptolemais, Nicopolis, and Caesarea 
in Palestine, was, as a Roman colony, to take a new position 
in the East As the emperor endeavoured to be present 
wherever anything important was to be done in the empire, 
he doubtless examined the plan of the new Jerusalem on the 
spot, and issued his instructions accordingly. Greek and 
Roman engineers must have superintended the building of 
the colony, and the work itself was carried out by the Xth 
legion and by the forced labour of the people of the country. 
The conversion of the city of Jehovah into a heathen colony, 
after 1 30 A.D., was carried on with such energy that two 
years later it was the occasion of the last outbreak of the 
Jews against the Romans.^ 

^ If we are to believe Epiphanius {De pond, et tnens^ c. 19) and the 
Talmudists, Hadrian ordered the rebuilding of Jerusalem already in 
117 A.D. from Antioch, entrusting it to the famous proselyte, Acylas of 
Sinope, whom Epiphanius makes even a brother-in-law {wtpBtpliiit) of 
Hadrian. The Alexandrine Chronicle places the foundation of the Aelia 
Capitolina in the year 1 19 a.d. Ewald, viL 362, even believes that the 
building had been already begun by Quietus before the death of Trajan. 
Renan (VEgl. chrH,^ p. 26) assumes without reason the year 122 A.D. ; 
loWtx (Topogr, JerusaL i. 133) the year 126 A.D., as also Ritter, Erdk, 
xvL I, 301. Kuhn (Die staedt, Verf, ii. 357) agrees, with some qualifica- 
tion, to the date of the Alexandrine Chronicle. Muenter {Der Judenkrieg) 
is more cautious, and merely assumes that the rebuilding had been begun 
before the outbreak of Hadrian's Jewish war. Graetz also seems to incline 
to the year 130 a.d. 

<n.\p. xvi] Hadrian in Arabia 115 

In the opinion of the Talmudists, who maintain that 
Hadrian, at the commencement of his reign, had promised 
the restoration of the temple to the insui^ent Jews, the 
emperor was guilty of a breach of faith, and they attribute 
his change of mind to the influence of the Samaritans and 
the Christianized Jews.* This, however, is erroneous, for 
Hadrian could never have sacrificed his political principles 
to the Messianic hopes of the Jews. While the barbaric 
provinces of the empire were already almost Romanized in 
the West, while in the East Hellenism had penetrated into 
Arabia, and had, since the time of Herod the Great, also taken 
root all around Judaea, Judaea itself was the only country that 
opposed its national feeling to the power of Rome. To over- 
come this opposition, and to Romanize Palestine, was the 
aim of the imperial government, particularly after the fright- 
ful rebellion of the Jews under Trajan. The desire of the 
Hebrews to rebuild their national sanctuary, was a perpetual 
protest against the doom brought upon them by the Romans ; 
and a Byzantine historian has indeed spoken of this hope, 
or design, as the ground of the bitterness which the emperor 
Hadrian showed towards them.* By the conversion of 
Jerusalem into a Roman colony, national Judaism in Pales- 
tine was for ever extinguished. 

We know nothing more of the residence of Hadrian in 
these countries. He seems to have favoured some cities 
there, those especially in which a mixed population of 
Jews, Greeks and Syrians were settled. Thus Sepphoris or 
Diocesarea in Galilee called itself Hadriana ; the people in 
Tiberias built an Adrianeum ; and there are coins of the 
Roman colony Caesarea in Samaria, which refer to the 
benefactions of Hadrian.' 

From Judaea he went to Roman Arabia. Coins record 
his arrival there ; the emperor stretches out his hand to the 

^Gractz, iv. 140. Derenbourg, Essai sur VHist. et la G/o^, di la 
Palestine y p. 414. Volkmar, Judith^ 108. 

•Ccdrenus, cd. Bekker, i. 437. 

' Coins from Tiberias and Caesarea in Mionnet, v., p. 483 sq. One from 
Tiberias shows Jupiter in a temple with four pillars in front, perhaps the 
Adrianeum, which under Constantine became a church. Greppo, p. 185. 
Noris, Epoch, Syrom,^ pp. 469, 471. 

ii6 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

figure of a woman near an altar of sacrifice; he as restorer 
raises kneeling Arabia, who holds a branch, probably of 
myrrh in her hand, while a camel stands by her side.* 

The province called Arabia by the Romans was the 
country of the Edomites, an extensive district, which 
stretched in the south and east of Palestine from Damascus 
and the Hauran, down past Petra to the northern border 
of the Red Sea.* It had been conquered by Cornelius 
Palma, and Trajan had made it into an imperial province 
in 105 A.D. Roman civilization found its way into the 
volcanic countries of the Hauran and the Trachonitis, and^ 
further south, into the districts of Arabia, where at the 
present time deserted cities with ruined temples and strange 
burial-places astonish the traveller. Even though the 
Sabaean Arabians from Jemen have erected buildings of 
stone there, the temples of Busan, Kanawftt, Suwdda, 
Hebrcln, and Bostra bear witness to the fact that, after the 
conquest by Trajan, Roman art made its way into the 
country, following Greek culture, and that the Romans 
in Arabia made use of the Greek tongue,' which long 
previously, under the Seleucids, had found a home in those 

The capital of the province was Bostra, situated in a 
fertile oasis to the south of the Hauran, at that time a flourish- 
ing centre of trade for Arabian and Greek merchants. The 
caravan road, which was protected by military posts, con- 
nected it with Palmyra, and extended to the Persian Gulf^ 
while on the eastern borders, garrisons, of which the most 
remote was Nemftra, were stationed to protect the country 

vi. 492. 

* Bunbury, History of Ancient Gcogr, ii. 506. 

'Among 600 inscriptions collected by Wetzstein, there are 10 old 
Semitic as against 260 Nabataean, and against 300 Greek and Latin. 
The Auranitis, Batanea, and Trachonitis belonged to Syria ; they were 
first united with Arabia by Diocletian. *^Marquardt, Rom Staatsv,^ i. 423. 
Wetzstein, Reisebericht ueber den Hauran und die Trachonen^ 1868. 
Vogii^, Syrie centrales Architecture civile et reiigieuse. An inscription 
from Zerbire in the Trachonitis mentions, among the sons of the Semite 
Garmos, a Hadrianos. Le Bas-Wadd. vi. 2513. Kaibel, ^/i]^. ^o^/vr^ 
n. 454. Hadrianic coins from Gaba in the Trachonitis, Mionnet, v. 317. 

CHAP. XVI] Bostra 117 

against the Bedawin races of Arabia. Bostra was called 
Nova Trajana, because the Emperor Trajan had rebuilt it, 
and it also assumed the name Adriana.^ It was rich and 
powerful from its trade with Arabia and Persia as late as 
the days of Constantine. Petra, lying to the south, the 
ancient capital of the Nabataean kings, whose rule had 
formerly extended to Damascus, was its rival. Arabia 
Petraea takes its name from the city of Petra. The ruins 
of cemeteries and temples here prove the existence of a 
high state of civilization under the rule of the Romans. 
Like Palmyra in the north, Petra was the emporium of com- 
merce in the south with Arabia, India and China. Caravans 
brought spices, precious stuffs and silks, oils and ointments 
from Forat on the Persian Gulf ; while from the harbour of 
Elath, on the Red Sea, the great road of commerce ran 
through Petra to Gaza, by which the wares of Persia and 
Arabia were forwarded to Phoenicia.* 

Petra must have owed much to the emperor ; its name on 
the coins, of which the first were struck in his reign, was 
Adriana Petra Metropolis, and he seems to have granted 
more privileges to it than to Bostra.' He there reviewed the 
Ilird legion Cyrenaica, which afterwards had its fixed 
quarters at Bostra.* 

Westwards from the north of the province of Arabia lay 
Pcraca, in the country across the Jordan, where, by the side 
of the Dead Sea, the Elamite caravan road ran to Damascus. 
In this district were important autonomous cities, completely 
Greek in constitution and culture, such as Pella, Gerasa, 
G.idara, Philadelphia (Rabbath Hammon or Hammftn). Of 
the latter place, which Ptolemy Philadelphus II. of Egypt 

' On a coin of Commodus ; Mionnet, SuppL viii. 389. The Bostrian 
era began with the year 106 a.d. Bostra became a Roman military 
station under Alexander Sevenis. Wetzstein, Reiseber,, p. 1 1 1. 

'Vogii^, Syrie centraU^ Arch., p. 12. Movers, iii. i, 291. 

' *Adpcariy IWrpa (7a(i^ *Apa/3(iyf) /iiyrp^oXtf. Eckhel, ill. 504. Mlonnet, V. 
587. De Saulcy, Num, de la Terre Sainte, p. 351. C.LG, 4667, 5366*, 
add. p. 1242 (instead of 'A^pai^rwr read *A9piapt!^ Utrpaltifp), On the 
province in general, Laborde et Linant, Voyage dans PArabie PeMe^ 
Paris, 183a 

^ Marquardt, i. 431. 

ii8 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

had once rebuilt, Hadrianic coins are extant.^ We cannot, 
however, follow the emperor further on his journeys through 
these countries. He went to Egypt In order to reach 
Pelusium, he may have travelled from Petra to the harbour 
of Aila or Elath on the Red Sea, then through the Sinaitic 
Peninsula to Arsinoe (Suez), and further to the Pelusian 
mouths of the Nile ; or he may have struck the road at 
Gaza, the last place in Canaan, where two great caravan 
roads from Elath met.^ 

Gaza was, after Ascalon, the most important city on the 
Philistine coast, where the ancient Greek communities pre- 
served their autonomy, and where there were no Roman 
colonies.' From a coin which exists, it is probable that 
Hadrian visited this city, and that his arrival formed an 
epoch in its history.* 

Spartianus mentions the first route for this journey of the 
emperor into Egypt ; Dion seems to have assumed that he 
took the other.^ Both, however, are unanimous that the first 
Egyptian city of importance which Hadrian visited was 
Pelusium. This important harbour, situated between Egypt, 
Arabia and Palestine, still flourished by its commerce, and 
maintained its position even as late as the Crusades.' The 
hill Casius was in its neighbourhood, where there was a 
temple of Jupiter, and the grave of Pompey.^ The grave 
was in a grove of trees, which had been planted by Caesar 

^ Ti^ <friXadcX^iiir, Mionnet, v. 332. Hadrianic coin from Gerasa, ibid, 
V. 329. 

This road to Gaza mentioned by Pliny, H.N, vi. 32, 3. 

'Stark, GoMa und die philistaeische Kueste^ 1852, p. 514. 

* On the probable visit of Hadrian to Gaza and the era there, Eckhel, 
ill. 453. Noris, Ep, Syrom.^ p. 332. De Saulcy (Num, de la Terre 
Saint€f p. 215X from the Hadrian coin of the third year of the era, infers 
the year 128 a.d.(?) for the date of his visit. According to the Alex- 
andrian Chronicle, Hadrian established festival games in Gaza. 

'Spart. c. 14: Peragrata Arabia Pelusium . . . venit. Dion Ixix. 11 : 
<«& tk r^f 'lovda/af . . . ^f Atyvrrw xapuSiw, Hadrian, however, would have 
touched Arabia from Judaea in any case, as Ostracine, east of Pelusium, 
was already considered the boundary of Arabia. Immediately behind, on 
the lake Sirbon, were the borders of Idumaea and Palestine. Pliny, 
h,N, v. 14, I. 

*Lumbroso, DEgHto^ p. 56. ^Strabo, 760. 

CHAP. XV!] Pelusium 119 

and dedicated to Nemesis, but the Jewish rebels had des- 
troyed it in the time of Trajan.^ The tomb itself was 
buried in the sand, and the statues dedicated to Pompey lay 
overthrown on the ground. Hadrian restored the Mauso- 
leum, and wrote verses in honour of the illustrious dead.' 

From the Pelusian mouths of the Nile, which was at 
that time still completely navigable, the emperor went to 

^Appian BelL civ. ii. 9a 

*Dion Cassius, Ixix. 11. The verses which Hadrian is said to have 
dedicated to Pompey (X^tctcu), and which are found in the Anthol, Gr, 
are cited by Appian, ii. 86, without naming Hadrian as their author. 


Hadrian in Egypt. Condition of tlu Country. 
Alexandria. Letter of Hadrian to Servianus. 
Influence of Egypt and Alexandria on the West 

Egypt, whose civilization was the most ancient in the world, 
at this time merely indicated the province, fertilized by the 
Nile, which supplied Rome with corn. From the time 
of Augustus it had been an appanage of the emperor, so 
jealously watched that no senator or knight was allowed 
to go thither without his permission. A Roman pasha, 
a prefect of the equestrian order, governed or misgoverned 
the unhappy land as viceroy, from Alexandria.^ 

The province was divided into the districts of Upper 
Egypt or the Thebais, Middle Egypt or Heptanomis, and 
the Delta, and these again were divided into forty-six 
Nomes. The Roman roads ran through Egypt as far as 
Hierasycaminus, in the Ethiopian country of Dodecaschoenus, 
beyond the first cataract. 

After a history of several thousand years under native 
dynasties, the people of the Pharaohs lost their independence 
for ever, first to the Persians, then to the Greeks, and 
finally to the Romans. This fate of foreign dominion 

^Rhammius Martialis is mentioned as the first prefect (Eparchos) 
under Hadrian, in the year ii8 A.D., CJ.G, 4713, and Letronne, hiscr, 
de PEgypte^ i. 513, n. 16. His predecessor as prefect, in the last years 
of Trajan, was M. Turbo. On the 19th February 122 A.D., Haterius 
Nepos is mentioned. Memnon's inscription, ibid. ii. 450. The popula- 
tion is said to have been about eight millions ; to-day, over six millions. 
M arquardt, Rom . Staatsv, i. 439. 

BK.i. cH.xvii] Condition of Egypt 121 

has continued until the present time, for Egypt, on account 
of its situation, is doomed to belong not to a single nation, 
but to the world. From the time of Alexander the Great 
it was a land belonging to everybody, the prey of foreign 
adventurers, as it still is to-day. Years of slavery had de- 
prived the inhabitants of all public spirit, so that the ancient 
cities, even the Greek cities, with the exception perhaps of 
Ptolemais and Naucratis, had lost their liberty as com- 
munities, and were governed by Roman officials without the 
concurrence of a Senate. Even Alexandria no longer 
possessed any municipal constitution, and her only dis- 
tinction as the capital of Egypt was that an imperial judge 
administered justice there. 

The emperors established their government of Egypt on 
the foundation laid by the Ptolemies. They were their 
successors, the divinely honoured kings of the country, and, 
like them, they allowed the old religious customs and the 
priesthood to remain. But the inhabitants, who were ground 
down by taxation, had no longer any political rights, they 
lived like the pariahs or helots enslaved by the Greeks and 
Romans. Their condition was like that of the fellah of the 
present day. The Romans despised the Egyptians, each and 
all, not only the natives, but the Hellenes and Jews, who, 
since the time of Alexander the Great, had settled in the 
country in great numbers. Their gloomy superstition, their 
licentiousness, and their disunion made the Romans consider 
them unfit for the rights of citizens. In their opinion, coercive 
mcisurcs were the only means of holding this turbulent 
|X)pulation in chcck.^ And yet two legions, the XXIInd 
Dejotariana and the llnd Trajana, sufficed to maintain the 
peace of the province.* 

With the exception of tumults, such as the discovery of 

^ See the remarkable opinion of Tacitus, Hist i. 1 1 : Aegyptum copi- 
asque, quibus coercetur, iam inde a divo Augusto Equites Romani 
obtinent, loco regiim. Ita visum expedire provinciam aditu difficilem, 
annonae fecundam, superstitione ac lascivia discordem et mobilem, 
insciam legum, ignaram magistratuum domi retinere. 

'In the time of Antoninus Pius, only the llnd Trajana was in Egypt, 
as the XXIInd Dejotariana had perished in the Jewish war of Hadrian. 
Pfitzner, p. 226. 

122 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Apis had caused shortly before Hadrian's arrival, the country 
remained quiet for a long time ; and only in Trajan's last 
years did a fanatical rebellion take place on the part of 
the Jewish inhabitants, in conjunction with the rising in 

The whole strength of Egypt was concentrated entirely 
in Alexandria. In the year 1 30 A.D., this city was still the 
same harbour of the world which Strabo had described in 
the time of Augustus.^ In size it was second only to 
Rome.^ Dion Chrysostom, who had accompanied Vespasian 
there, said it was the most remarkable of all the remarkable 
sights in the world.^ Her situation made her mistress of the 
Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean, and 
market for a hundred nations of the earth. Her' commercial 
and industrial prosperity was not surpassed by any other 
city, and she was at once the treasure-house of Egyptian 
mystery and of Greek knowledge. Trading vessels from 
every coast filled the large harbour, and in the warehouses, 
products from the tropics were stored, which caravans 
brought from Arsinoe, Myus Hormus and Berenice. 

The splendour of her buildings was not unworthy of 
the importance of Alexandria. The Serapeum in the 
quarter of the city called Rhacotis, the ancient royal fortress 
in Bruchium, the Museum with its colonnades and its 
large library, the Caesareum, the famous street Canobus, 
the gymnasia, theatres, hippodrome, temples and innumer- 
able works of art of ancient and modem times, formed a whole 
of such dazzling beauty that in the age of the Antonines, 
Aristides could say that the large and fine city of Alex- 
andria was the jewel of the Roman empire, which it 

> The arrival of Hadrian in Alexandria falls into the Alexandrian 1 5th 
year of the emperor (from 29th of Aug. 130 a.d. to 29th of Aug. 131 a.d.) 
Eckhel, iv. 64 ; vi. 489 sg,: Alexandria, with its African helmet, kisses 
the emperor's hands— Alexandria salutes the emperor, who enters on a 
quadriga — Hadrian is seated on board a ship. Cohen, ii. n. 58. Hadrian 
and Sabina hold the hands of I sis and Serapis. The numerous Alex- 
andrian coins in Zoega, Num. Aeg,^ n. 296 sq, 

* Aristides, Orat xiv. 363. 

• Dion Chrys. (Dind.) OraL xxxii. 412 sq. Other references in Lumbroso, 
LEgitto^ c. xii. 

CHAP, xvii] Alexandria 123 

adorned as a necklace or bracelet adorns a woman of 
fashion. The divine worship of Alexander still existed, 
and Hadrian, who had visited the tomb of Pompey, would 
not omit to pay honour to the Sema, where the immortal 
founder of the city Jay buried in a great sarcophagus under 
a glass canopy, the canopy of gold belonging to Ptolemy 
Lagus having been carried off by the covetous Auletes.* 

Alexandria was laid waste in the last insurrection of 
the Jews, and Hadrian caused this damage to be repaired 
in the early years of his reign, when he also seems to 
have sent colonies into the ravaged provinces of Cyrene.' 
As the oldest cities of the Pharaohs lay for the most part 
in ruins, Alexandria had no longer a rival in Egypt. 
The deafening crowd in the city, composed of the mixture 
of religions and races from three parts of the world, the 
feverish struggle for existence, the intoxicating life of 
Africa and Asia, the remarkable spirit of cosmopolitan 
Hellenism, which had here taken up its abode, the frivolity, 
love of pleasure, and vice of the people, astonished even the 
Romans and the Greeks. Dion Chrysostom, in his speech 
to the Alexandrians, has drawn in strong characters the 
dark side to his praise of the splendour of their city. "I 
have praised," so he said to them, "your sea and land, your 
harbours and monuments, but not yourselves " ; and he 
goes on to paint the people as devoid of all seriousness, 
steeped in every vice, delighting in nothing but the theatre 
and the circus. The corruption of morals, the quarrelsome 

'Strabo, 794. The tomb was visited before him by Caesar and 
Augustus ; after him by Septimius Severus and Caracalla, who there 
deposited his imperial insignia. According to Dion Cassius, Ixxv. 13, 
Severus placed the sacred books of the Egyptian priests, which had 
been collected by him, into the tomb, and then locked it to the people, 
in order that nobody might further see the corpse of Alexander nor 
read these books. In Clarke {The Tomb of Alexander^ 1S05, p. 58 sq,\ 
the further fate of the Sema, where the Ptolemies also were buried. 

*0n this account perhaps the coin in Eckhel, vi. 497, restitutori. 
AUG.LYBIAE. Hieron. in Euseb. CAron.^ ed. Schoene, p. 165: Hadr. 
Alexandriam a Romanis subversam publicis instauravit expensis. The 
Armenian translation has a Judaeis, In any case this subversio is 
an exaggeration, yet Zoega {Aum, Aeg,^ p. loi) wrongly substituted 
in the passage in Eusebius, Hierosolyma for Alexandria. 


r24 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

and ribald spirit of the Alexandrians, was everywhere 
notorious.^ Hadrian too has drawn their character in the 
following letter to his brother-in-law : 

** I am now become fully acquainted with that Egypt 
which you extol so highly. I have found the people vain, 
fickle, and shifting with every breath of opinion. Those 
who worship Serapis are in fact Christians ; and they who 
call themselves Christian bishops are actually worshippers 
of Serapis. There is no chief of a Jewish synagogue, no 
Samaritan, no Christian bishop, who is not an astrologer, 
a fortune teller and a conjuror. The patriarch himself, 
when he comes to Egypt, is compelled by one party to 
worship Serapis, by the other, Christ' It is a rebellious, 
good-for-nothing, slanderous people. The city is rich in 
treasures and resources. No one sits idle. There are 
workers here in glass, there in paper, and there in linen. 
All these busy men seem to carry on some trade. Even 
those who are tormented by gout and sciatica find something 
to do. They have but one God (alluding to their idolatry 
of lucre) — him Christians, Jews, and Gentiles worship all 
alike.^ It is lamentable that this city has a bad character, 
for its size and importance make it worthy to be the capital 
of Egypt. I have given these people everything they asked 
for. I have confirmed ail their ancient privil^es, and added 
new, which they could not help acknowledging in my pres- 
ence. But no sooner had I turned my back ^han they 
lavished every kind of insult on my son Verus and my friend 
Antinous.* I wish them no worse than that they should feed 
on their own chickens, and how foully they hatch them I am 
ashamed to say. I sent you three coloured cups, which the 
priest of the temple consecrated for me, as special votive 
offerings for you and my sister. You may drink from them 

' They suffered heavily for their insolence under Caracalla. Herodian, 
iv. 98 sg. Dion Cassius, 77, 22. Their character has been drawn by 
Ammian. Marcell. xxii., c. 18. Other references by Lumbroso, c. 13, 
Caraiiere degli AlUssantirinu 

* Probably the patriarch of the Jews. Tillemont, Adrien^ p. 409. 

^Unus illis est deus — instead of unus^ nummus ought to be read, 
according to Lehrs. Friedlaender, ii. 5, 138. 

^ In the text Antonio^ for which Antitwo should be read. 

cHAi\ xviii] Gnosticism 125 

on feast days, but see that our African friend does not use 
them too much."* 

There is no sufficient ground for considering this letter a 
foi^ery, although several things in it appear as if they could 
hardly have been said by Hadrian.' But even if the letter 
were not genuine, it is a description of ancient life in 
Alexandria, the great workshop of magic mystery, of theo- 
sophy, and of Christian as well as of heathen philosophy. 
Yet Greek science still flourished here, producing at this 
time the astronomer. Claudius Ptolemy. Side by side with 
it there grew up an eccentric and fantastic school of thought 
among Greeks, Jews and Christians. It was a mixture 
of Monotheism and Pantheism. The ideas of Asia and 
Greece here met together, and formed the doctrine of the 
Gnostics, of which the Egyptian mysteries were the founda- 
tion, and among the Gnostics there were Christians to be 
found who were said to worship Serapis. The Jews formed 
a large part of the population of Alexandria. To them 
belonged two of the five quarters of the city. Their rich 
community was under the government of a president or 
ethnarch. The Platonic philosophy of Philo, in the first 
century after Christ, had arisen out of the union of the 

* The translation is almost entirely borrowed from Merivale. 

'Vopiscus has inserted the letter in the vita Satumini^ c. 8, and says 
that he took it from Phlegon's biography of Hadrian. According to its 
superscription, (Had. Aug. Serviano consuli salutem) it is directed to 
Servianus when he was consul. Now the fasti (Klein, Fasti cottsulares} 
name as consuls : Trebius Sergianus for the year 133 A.n., and'L. Julius 
Ursus Servianus Cos. iii. for 134 a.d. The superscription may have been 
made later, or the word consuli may have been added. The greatest 
difficulty seems to lie in the vfordsji/ium tmum Vertitn ; for the adoption 
took place only in 136 A.n. Filius^ however, may be merely another ex- 
pression for the favourite of Hadrian, and Verus was most likely already 
selected to be his successor. He accompanied the emperor in Egypt. 
It is unnecessary for (}rcppo, p. 230, to assume a new journey of Hadrian 
to Egypt at the close of his career. From the nemo illic^ Casaubon 
concludes that the letter was written after Hadrian's departure from 
Egypt ; or that he had at least left Alexandria, as he writes himself. 
I take the letter as genuine, even though, as the text shows, some 
passages have been interpolated. I object less to Xht/iiium meum than 
to the repeated reference to the Christians of Alexandria, which cannot 
be Hadrianic. 

126 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Mosaic doctrine with Greek ideas. One thing there is which 
Hadrian's singular letter has overlooked, and that is, the 
powerful influence which the spirit of Alexandria exercised 
upon Rome and the West. This influence had made itself 
felt at once, as soon as Egypt became Roman, and it lasted 
for three hundred years. No foreign ruler after the Persian 
Cambyses, who had laid hands on the gods of the country, 
had been able to destroy their well-established power. The 
Lagidae, like the Romans, had acknowledged these gods, and 
had made them their own. While the Egyptians themselves 
succumbed to the dominion of the foreigner, their divinities 
from Memphis and Thebes made a conquest both of Greece 
and Rome^ Isis, Osiris, the dog-headed Anubis, and Serapis 
changed into Zeus, had no such extent of power under 
Rameaes the Great as they possessed in the first three 
centuries of the Roman empire. The knowledge of the 
priests of Egypt was the most ancient in the world, and 
they seemed therefore to be in possession of the records of 
mankind. In comparison with this priesthood, in which the 
same forms had been transmitted for hundreds of years, even 
the priesthood of Jehovah, of Melkart and Astarte in 
Syria, of Delphian Apollo, or of Zeus of Dodona, appeared 
as of yesterday. The mysteries of the Nile fascinated the 
minds of the West ; scenes taken from Egyptian worship 
are still to be admired as paintings on the walls of Pom- 
peii. Temples of Isis were to be found both there and 
in Herculaneum, in Campania and in Etruria : in Rome 
there was an Iseum and Serapeum, where Domitian cele- 
brated the Egyptian mysteries.^ 

Soon after the time of the Antonines, the worship of these 
gods became a necessity for the Latin world. Merchants 
from Alexandria spread both the religion and the customs of 
Egypt as far as Gaul and Spain. Carpets, mosaics, images 

^ It was here that the famous Nile of the Braccio nuovo was found. 
Excavations in June 1883 brought to light a small obelisk, with hier- 
oglyphic inscriptions, behind the Minerva. Already in the last days of 
the republic the worship of Isis had found entrance into Rome ; Preller, 
R. AfythoLt Abschnitt Isis und Serapis. Even a region of Rome was 
called after the temple of Isis and Serapis which Caracalla built, namely, 
the III., as a temple of Isis was situated near to the Coliseum. 

ciiAi*. XVII.] Trade of Alexandria 127 

of the Sphinx, landscapes of the Nile, vessels and pearls of 
Cleopatra, were eagerly sought after in the West, and even the 
arrangement of Egyptian houses was a subject for imitation. 
Soothsayers and conjurors, astronomers and physicians, 
dancers and musicians, orators and learned men, poured out 
in swarms from Alexandria over the western world, and these 
influences were encouraged by Hadrian.^ 

The emf)eror, with his thirst for knowledge, took the 
liveliest interest in Alexandrian learning, whose seat under 
the rule of the Romans was still the Museum. He disputed 
there with philologists and sophists, and must have had 
plenty of opportunity to laugh at their pedantry. The 
privileges mentioned in his letter refer partly to this famous 
home of the Muses. But there must have been many other 
benefits for which the Alexandrians had to thank him. They 
rewarded him by malicious abuse, and by cringing flattery. 
They raised statues and altars to him.* There are more 
Alexandrian and Egyptian coins of Hadrian than of any 
other emperor.' 

' Lumbroso, LEgitto, That the art of painting too was influenced by 
Eg3rpt, is shown by a curious passage in Petronius, Satyricon^ c. 2 : 
Pictura quoque non alium exitum fecit postquam Aegyptiorum audacia 
lam magnae artis compendiariam invenit ; meaning probably the genre. 

^Eckhel, iv. 64. 


Hadrians yaumey on the Nile. Heliopolis. Death 
of Antinous. Thebes. The Colossus of Memnoti. 
Coptus. Myus Hormus. Mons Claudianus. Re- 
turn to Alexandria 

In order to become acquainted with the wonders of Egypt^ 
Hadrian went up the Nile from Alexandria. It had long 
been the fashion. For the monuments of the gray past, 
and the banks of the most mysterious of rivers, exercised 
a mighty fascination over Greeks and Romans, just as 
they have attracted men of every nation since the expedition 
of Napoleon. Animal-worship unchanged through the 
centuries, this riddle of man's religion, must have greatly 
excited the curiosity of the foreigner. In this deification 
of animals lay the most profound expression of contempt 
that could be felt by the human mind, and the most 
malignant satire on the apotheosis of kings and emperors. 
For of what importance was the divinity of Sesostris, 
Alexander, Augustus or Hadrian in comparison with the 
divine majesty of the bull Apis, or of the sacred cats, dogs,, 
peacocks, crocodiles and apes? 

Egypt was even then a museum of the age of the 
Pharaohs, and of their mummy worship. The ancient 
cities were still full of curious buildings, strange sculptures,, 
hieroglyphics and paintings, even though their glory had 
disappeared. Memphis and Heliopolis, Bubastis, Abydus, 
Sais and Tanis, and Thebes with its hundred gates, had 
long sunk into decay, though they were still inhabited. 

The imperial travellers must have presented an unwonted 

BK. I. cii.xviii] Memphis 129 

spectacle, as they sailed up the river in a fleet of dahabeahs. 
The emperor would be accompanied by Egyptian men of 
learning and science from the Museum, by priests and 
astrologers. In his train were Verus and the beautiful 
Antinous. The empress too was with him. She had 
among the ladies of her court a Greek poetess, Julia Balbilla. 
They landed wherever an object of curiosity presented 
itself, and of these there were more than there are to-day. 
They marvelled at the great pyramids, the colossal Sphinx^ 
and the sacred city of Memphis. 

Memphis, the ancient capital of the Pharaohs, though 
fallen into decay, was not yet buried in the sands of the 
desert, and was still considered the second city of Egypt in 
the time of Strabo. Under the Ptolemies, she had contributed 
much of the material of her temples and palaces for the 
building of Alexandria. The great citadel of the Pharaohs 
had long been in ruins. But many noble monuments 
such as the temple of Ptah, the pyramids, the cemeteries^ 
and the Serapeum, still existed with their ancient worship. 
The city was still the principal seat of the Egyptian 
hierarchy, and the home of Apis ; on that account the 
Roman government had made it one of the strongest 
military posts in Egypt, and here a legion was stationed. 
Within the precincts of the Serapeum, Hadrian could gaze 
at the white-browed Apis, whose discovery, shortly before 
his arrival, had been the cause of great tumults among 
the priests and the people, for the Alexandrians grudged 
the possession of the bull to the people of Memphis, who 
however triumphantly kept him. The emperor could 
wander through the half-sunken avenues of sphinxes, where 
the long row of embalmed divine animals reposed, each 
one like a Pharaoh, in a gigantic granite sarcophagus.* 
With less trouble than the traveller of to-day, Hadrian 
could admire the tomb of Ti, rich in sculptures, the 

'A Hadrianic coin from Memphis has the Apis, Miomiet, v., p. $34. 
To-day this Egyptian Serapeum lies buried beneath the sand. Mariette 
discovered there bull-tombs of the eighteenth to the twenty-sixth dynasty. 
Only those of the latter are now visible, beginning from Psammetichus. 
At present (Summer 1883) Maspero has just excavated tombs of the 
sixth dynasty. 

I30 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

monument to an Egyptian official of the fifth imperial 
dynasty. The sand of the desert has now overwhelmed 
palaces, statues of the gods, and nearly all the pyramids. 
Miserable Arab villages, like Sakkara, have planted them- 
selves among the ruins of Memphis, and the traveller 
gazes with astonishment at the torso of the powerful 
Pharaoh, Rameses II., lying alone in a thick grove of palms, 
a last sign of the magnificence of the temple of Ptah, in 
front of which this colossal statue once stood. 

Close to Memphis was Heliopolis, the city of the sun- 
god, with its ancient temple and school of Egyptian science. 
In Strabo's time it was a desert, but he was shown the 
houses of the priests, where Plato and Eudoxus are said 
to have studied divine mysteries for thirteen years.^ In 
Heliopolis the god Rk was still worshipped under the form 
of the sacred animal Mnevis, a rival or companion of 
Apis. The barbarous Cambyses had partially destroyed the 
temples, and even the obelisks, which the Pharaohs had in 
the course of centuries erected to the sun-god, for nowhere 
in Egypt had there been so many as at Heliopolis and in 
Thebes. Hadrian, like Strabo, saw many of them lying 
on the ground, half-burnt. Two of the larger obelisks 
were missing, for Augustus had carried off the obelisk of 
Rameses III., in memory of his victory, to Rome, where he 
placed it in the Circus Maximus. It now stands in the 
Piazza del Popolo. The other, Caligula set up in the circus 
of the Vatican, and it still adorns the Piazza of St. Peter. 
The largest of all, that of Totmes IV., Constantine carried 
off, and Constantius placed it in the Circus Maximus. It 
stands now in front of the Lateran. At the present 
time, one solitary obelisk alone remains standing on the 
site, now green with cornfields, of the ancient Heliopolis, 
and this is considered the oldest of them all, having been 
erected by Usortesen I. in the twelfth dynasty. Its hiero- 
glyphics have been covered over by wasps* nests. 

Proceeding up the Nile, the distinguished travellers came 
to Besa, a place on the right bank of the river, opposite 
Hermopolis, where a strange event took place in the death 
of Hadrian's favourite. Antinous, a young Greek Adonis 

^ Strabo, 806. 

CHAP. XVIII] Death of Antinous 131 

from Claudiopolis, had degraded himself so far as to become 
the emperor's Ganymede. Hadrian loved him passionately. 
The emperor, indeed, was a thorough Greek in the vice of 
the East, a vice which even the great Trajan hardly con- 
demned, and which was abominated by only a few noble 
men like Plutarch. We do not know where the emperor 
met with this beautiful youth ; it might have been in his 
birthplace, Bithynia. In Egypt he first became conspicuous 
as Hadrian's inseparable companion, which must have 
wounded Sabina deeply ; but the unhappy Augusta was 
relieved from his hateful presence at Besa, for there 
Antinous was drowned in the Nile. 

His death was shrouded in mysterj'. Was it an accident ? 
Was it a sacrifice ? Hadrian's well-known humanity forbids 
the suspicion that he sacrificed his favourite in cold blood, 
as Tiberius sacrificed the beautiful Hypatus at Capri. Did 
the enthusiastic youth offer himself voluntarily to the angel 
of death in order to save the life of the emperor? Did 
the Egyptian priests read in the stars some threatened evil 
to Hadrian, which was only to be averted by the sacrifice 
of what was dearest to him ? Such a fancy would be in 
accord with the suf>erstition of the time, with the country, 
and with the mysterious Nile. It would agree, too, with 
the leaning to astrology of the emperor himself Did 
Antinous feci convinced as he plunged into the waters 
of the Nile that he would rise again as a god ? Hadrian 
asserts in his memoirs that his favourite fell by accident 
into the Nile ; but it has not been believed.* The divine 
honours which he bestowed on the dead permit us to con- 
jecture that they were a reward for the freely given sacrifice, 
and that on whatever terms the sacrifice was made, this 
reward was an acknowledgment to the world at large of a 

* Spart, c 14, leaves the question undecided. Dion Cassius, Ixix. ii, 
takes it as true that Antinous sacrificed himself; for Hadrian, who 
practised the magic arts, needed for his purpose a soul that would 
voluntarily sacrifice itself. He says : efr* o9p h r^ NciXor imrwti^t «it 
"ASpcoydt ypd^i, rfre Upovpfyjfitlt, Cn ^ dXi^eta #x'c. But in his opinion the 
sacrifice was voluntary. Aurelius Victor {Ep, 14) inclines to the belief 
that Antinous sacrificed himself, in order to lengthen the life of the 

132 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

noble deed inspired by heroic self-abnegation. We should 
like to think that the victim disappeared in the Nile with- 
out Hadrian's knowledge. 

Hadrian bewailed Antinous with unmeasured grief, and 
with " womanish tears." ^ Now he was Achilles by the 
corpse of Patroclus, now Alexander by the funeral pile of 
Hephaestion. With great pomp he had the youth buried 
in Besa — a scene on the Nile of the most refined fantasy, 
in which the sorrowing emperor of Rome and the smiling 
Augusta, with their respective courts, were the actors. This, 
the most extraordinary episode of any journey on the Nile, 
gave a new god to the paganism which was fast disappear- 
ing, and its last ideal figure to ancient art Probably during 
the funeral obsequies sharp-sighted courtiers could discern 
the star of Antinous in the heavens, and Hadrian then saw 
it for himself. The star remains. Its position is in the 
Milky Way between the Eagle and the Zodiac, for astron- 
omers have preserved the fabled divinity of Antinous. In 
Egypt, that land of mystery and wonder, life could be a 
poem even in the garish day of the Roman empire under 

The death of the young Bithynian seems to have occurred 
in October 130 A.D.* After the emperor had given orders 
to found a splendid city at Besa in honour of his friend, he 
continued his voyage up the Nile. For in October 1 30 A.D. 
the imperial party were at the ruins of Thebes. 

Thebes, the most ancient city in Egypt and perhaps in 
the world, had been eclipsed by Memphis in earlier cen- 
turies, and then was destroyed by Cambyses. After the 
time of the Ptolemies, it was called Diospolis, and was 
succeeded as capital of the Thebaid by Ptolemais. It had 
fallen to pieces even in the time of Strabo.' On both sides 

^Antinoum suum, dum per Nilum navigat, quern muliebriter flevit. 
Spart. c. 14. 

*It is obvious that the death of Antinous occurred at this time. 
According to the Alexandrian Chronicle 254, Antinoe was founded on 
30th October, from which Duerr, p. 64, infers that this day is the date of 
Antinous' death. The year 130 a.d. follows with certainty from the 
Memnon inscriptions, of which more later on. 

* Kufiij56if ffvyoiKtiraif c. 8 1 6. Diospolis was the proper Thebes, or the 

CHAP. XVIII] The Colossus of Memnon 133 

of the Nile, it presented similar groups of gigantic temples 
and palaces, of pylons and royal tombs, as are to be seen 
scattered about to-day in Luxor, Karnak, Medinet Habu, 
Der el-Bahri, and Koorneh. 

In the time of Hadrian, the Rameseum, as the grave 
of Osymandias was called, the wonderful building erected 
by Rameses II., must still have existed in great masses on 
the western bank of the Nile. These gates, temples, 
arcades and courts, these splendid halls, the granite walls 
of which were covered with sculptures, seem to have materi- 
ally influenced the art of the empire. A reflection of them 
is to be seen in the Forum of Trajan, where the central 
point was also the royal tomb.* 

The greatest wonder among the graves and temples of 
Thebes was the Memnonium. Two bare monolithic colossi 
of the Pharaoh Amenhoteph III., of the eighteenth dynasty 
(about 1 500 B.C.), hewn from the yellow .sandstone, rose 
majestically in front of his temple. In the year 27 B.C. 
an earthquake had thrown down the upper half of one, and 
a current of air at sunrise awoke in the crevices of the statue 
that melancholy tone, which the Greeks declared was the 
morning greeting of the Ethiopian Memnon, who was killed 
by Achilles before Troy, to his mother Eos. Round about 
lay the remains of wonderful temples, which the same 
king had dedicated to Ammon.* From the time of Nero, 
travellers had been in the habit of carving their names on 
the legs of the colossus, and science has to thank a widely 
diffused vanity for a most wonderful collection of inscrip- 
tions. Since the time of Pococke, learned men have tran- 
scribed the inscriptions. They belong chiefly to the time 
of Hadrian, ten namely occurring before 1 30 A.D., seventeen 

city of Ammon. The entire western part on the left bank was the M em- 
nonia. R. O. Mueller, Osymandias wtd sein Grab^last^ in EncycL van 
Ersch, M, GrubeTy p. 260. 

' Froehner (La Colonne Trajatu^ p. 49) finds that these analogies in the 
description of the Rameseum by Diodor. i. 45, and the column of Trajan, 
are an imitation of the Panium of Alexandria. 

'Strabo, 816, is the first to mention the sound, which he himself had 
heard. Then Philoslr. {Apollon. 6, 4). Pliny (//.iV. 36, 58) is the first to 
speak of the colossus as Memnon. It was restored by Septimius Severus, 
whf n the tones ceased. 

134 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

in this year, and in the later years of the emperor. He 
and the empress both had their names cut upon it in Greek. 
She was accompanied by the poetess Julia Balbilla, who 
maintained that she was descended from a Syrian king' 
Antiochus, and who enjoyed so great a reputation that, 
later on, the city of Tauromenium erected a statue to her as 
a pattern of virtue, modesty and wisdom.^ The imperial visit 
to Memnon gave the Greek poetess an opportunity which 
she had long sought, for the display of her talent. We 
can still read the verses in the Aeolian dialect with which 
she repeatedly haunted the melancholy Memnon. But the 
god did not condescend to allow his lament to be heard ; 
the lady of the court was astonished that he dared to be 
silent, when the illustrious Augusta was anxious to hear 
him, and she even threatened him with the emperor's wrath. 
The threat succeeded, for Memnon uttered his sound several 
times in honour of Augustus, ^albilla fortunately has 
recorded in an inscription that she heard the god, with the 
"dear queen" Sabina, in the 15th year of Hadrian's reign, 
on the 24th and 25th of the month Athyr. In this way 
we know that the date of the emperor's visit to the Mem- 
nonium was the 20th and 21st November 130 A.D.' 

Below Thebes lay Coptus, a great emporium of Indian 
and Arabian goods. They were brought there by caravans, 
on high roads which connected the city with the ports of 
Myus Hormus and Berenice, and were then sent down the 
Nile by boat to Alexandria.' A third port for Indian trade 
was Arsinoe, on the Heroopolitic gulf of the Red Sea, where 
the famous canal of the Nile, begun by Necho, repaired by 
Darius, completed by Ptolemy Philadelphus, and finally 

*C/.C7. n. 5904. 

^Letronne, La Status vocale de Memnon ^ Paris, 1833, p. 152 sq. The 
verses of Balbilla referring to Hadrian, with the inscription : 'lovXiar 
BaX/3iXXi7f , Arc ^oivc rQ\» Mifwopot 6 ^e/Sflurrds *k9puuf6t. Referring to Sabina, 
with the date, p. 162, p. 165, inscription on Sabina: Xafielpa fftfiaar^ 
aOroKpdropot Kalffopot ff€paffToO irr^ Cfpat A, Jdifu^opot 6lt IJKOvat, C./,G. 4925 sg, 
Kaibel, Epigr, graeca ex lapidib, conlecta^ Berlin, 1878, n. 988 sq. See 
also the remarks of Puchstein, Epigr, gr, in Egyfto reperta^ Strass- 
burg, 1880, pp. 16-30. 

'Pliny, vi. 26, 7, gives the stations from Coptus to Berenice. Near 
Coptus there were famous smaragdus mines. 

CHAP, xviii] Myus Hormus 135 


restored by Trajan, stretched from Bubastis in the Delta 
through the Bitter Lakes to the sea. The Nile canal, whose 
recent reconstruction after the lapse of centuries, in our own 
time, has been an event of world-wide historical interest^ 
was still used in the time of Hadrian, and probably as late 
as Septimius Scverus, as a high road for commerce.* 

From Coptus the emperor could go to Myus Hormus^ 
the nearest mart for the Indian trade, which under the 
rule of Rome had become of great magnitude. Strabo 
was astonished that one hundred and twenty ships sailed 
thence annually to India, while in the time of the Ptolemies 
only a few would have attempted the voyage direct. How 
great must have been the increase a century later, in the 
number of ships going to India, to satisfy the demands 
occasioned by the height of luxury which Rome had 
reached.' A good many years after Strabo, a Greek wrote 
the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, which the elder Pliny 
makes use of. This writing, the work probably of a well- 
educated captain, describes the coasting trade along the Red 
Sea through the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, then much 
frequented by vessels, to Ceylon and India as far as the 
Ganges. It affords proof of the most active Indian trade 
being carried on by Arabians and Greeks, and of the closest 
connection between Egypt and Arabia.' 

On the way to Myus Hormus lay Mons Claudianus, 
where inexhaustible quarries of porphyry and granite had 
been used for building purposes since the time of the 
Emf>eror Claudius. In the middle of the desert, which has 
overwhelmed the cities of ancient Egypt and the Roman 
ports and roads by the Red Sea, some Roman stations 
were discovered in the year 1822 at Jebel Fateereh and 
Jebel Dokhan. Quarries of porphyry were found at these 
stations, close to some remains of two unfinished temples, 
whose Greek inscriptions record that they were dedicated 

' Humboldt, Kosmos^ ii. 204. Trajan had, before the year 109 A.D., 

not only restored the canal from Bubastis to Arsinoe, but had also 

caused a branch canal to be made to Babylon (Cairo). Dierauer in 

Bue dinger^ i., p. 131. 

* Strabo, 118. On the voyages to India, Friedlaender, ii. 59 sq, 

' B. Fabricius, Der Periplus des eryihraeischen Metres^ Leipzig, 1883. 

13^ The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

on the 23rd April 1 1 8 A.D., not only to Jupiter Serapis, by the 
prefect of Egypt, Rhammius Martialis, and by Epaphroditus, 
the slave of the emperor and tenant of the mine, but also 
to the welfare and prosperity of Hadrian and his house, as 
well as to his success in all his undertakings.^ These in- 
scriptions show that the porphyry quarries were managed 
as imperial property, by a procurator. There were two 
Roman settlements in the neighbourhood, which were pro- 
tected from the depredations of the Arabs by the cohort 
of light cavalry, Flavia Ciliciorum.* 

Mines {nutalld) were the Siberia for criminals in the 
Roman empire, and to be sentenced to them for life was 
considered the severest of all punishments, next to the 
punishment of death.^ Thousands of unhappy men, and in 
the time oS Diocletian, many Christians, languished under 
the burning sun of the desert in those porphyry quarries, 
where they hewed and prepared the costly stone for the 
palaces of Rome. If Hadrian visited Mons Claudianus, the 
sight of the sufferings of the men condemned to work there, 
might have suggested the decree by which he mitigated 
the lot of those among them who belonged to the class of 
free men.* 

But the visit of the emperor to Myus Hormus and Bere- 
nice is only a conjecture, as is the theory that he extended 
his voyage up the Nile from Thebes to Syene and Philae. 
There are coins which refer to this Nile journey, represent- 
ing the river god, sometimes surrounded by children ; he 
leans upon a sphinx, and holds in his right hand a cornu- 
copia, in his left a reed. ^ 

In the Libyan desert, Hadrian had an opportunity of 
gratifying his passion for the chase, when he had the good 

' Letronne, Itiscr. de tEgyptty i. 1 53, and there the chapter on Mons 
Claudianus, p. 1361^. C./.C7. 4713. 

* The cohors 1. Flavia Ciliciorum (or Cilicum) equitata appears at the 
time of Antoninus Pius in an inscription at Syene (Assuan^ CLL, 
iii. 2, add. 6025, p. 968. 

» Dig. 48, 19, 28. 

* Dig. ibid. 

^HADRIANUS . AUG . COS . Ill . P . P.— NILUS, Cohcn, ii., p. 187, n. 

982 sq. 

CHAP, xviii) Return to Alexandria 137 

fortune to kill a Hon.* The poet Pancrates celebrated this 
heroic deed in verse, at the same time ingeniously showing 
the emperor a lotus as red as a rose, which had sprouted 
from the blood of the lion. With still greater diplomacy 
he grave this lotus the name of Antinoe.' Instead of laugh- 
ing at the childish imitation of the Ajax flower, Hadrian 
rewarded the discoverer with a post in the Museum at 
Alexandria, and the effigies of the deified youth bore the 
lotus wreath.* 

The emperor returned, we may suppose, to Alexandria ; 
but we do not know how long he remained in Egypt He 
left the country in order to go into Syria, either at the end 
of the year 1 3 1 A.D., or in the beginning of the following 
year.* We have no record of the road which he took, nor 
of the causes which made him decide to return' to Syria. 

* A coin viRTUTi . AUGUSTI represents him on horseback, throwing the 
lance at a lion. Cohen, ii., p. 228, n. 1471. Other coins with virtuti. 
AUOUSTI refer to his hunts. 

'This lotus was perhaps the Red Sea rose, Nymphea mlumbo^ 
described by Herodotus, ii. 92. Maspero, Gesch, der morgenland, Voelker 
im Alierthumy p. 8. 

• Athen. Deipn, xv., c. 7. 

^That he went to Syria is clear from the passage in Dion Cassius, 
Ixix. 22, where it is said that the Jews were preparing for a rebellion, 


Hadrian returns from Egypt to Syria. He revisits 
Athens. Dedication of the Olympieum. Hadriatis 
Divine Honours 


An insurrection was at that time fermenting in Palestine. 
If Hadrian had been made aware of its disturbed state, 
and went to Syria on that account, the Jews knew how to 
deceive him by their apparent tranquillity. This, at least,, 
is a fact, that the Jews, burning for rebellion, awaited his 
departure for the West to take up arms. This last journey 
of Hadrian's is shrouded in obscurity. He disappears from 
our sight from the time when, on the 21st November 
130 A.D., we saw him in Egyptian Thebes, until the 
5th May 134 A.D., on which day his presence in Rome is 
recorded. We merely know from Dion Cassius, that 
Hadrian went from Egypt into Syria, and then further West 
Where did he stay in Syria ? where did he go from there ? 
and in what place did the information of the rebellion of 
the Jews in Palestine reach him ? We do not know, but 
we may conjecture that it was in Athens. The latest writer 
on Hadrian's journeys has attempted to prove that the 
emperor was only twice in Athens, in the years 125 a«d. and 
126 A.D., and finally in 129 A.D. He therefore makes him 
stay from the end of the year 131 A.D., or from the 
beginning of 132 A.D., when he went from Egypt into 
Syria, entirely at the seat of war in Judaea.^ But this 
theory has no facts to support it Besides, how can it 
be believed that so great a Philhellene as Hadrian should 

^ Duerr, p. 43. 

nK. I. cii. XIX] Dedication of the Olympieum 139 

only twice have visited the city which he loved so passion- 
ately, and which he adorned with so many magnificent 
buildings ?* As he was returning from Egypt through Syria 
to the West, Athens would lie almost on his way. Why 
should he then have omitted to visit the city ? There is 
also evidence which makes it probable that Hadrian was 
again in Athens in the year 132 A.D. In this year the 
Greek cities put up statues in honour of the emperor in 
the Olympieum, which was done in their name with great 
ceremony by their representatives.* Was this accidental 
or arbitrary? or was it not rather pre-arranged at the 
emperor's last visit to Athens (in 129 A.D.)? And was 
not a great Olympian festival fixed to coincide with the 
expected return of the emperor to Athens ? We may 
therefore assume that in the year 132 A.D. the temple of 
the Olympian Zeus was finished and dedicated by Hadrian.' 
The Athenians had seen no such festival for centuries. 
Amid the decay of paganism, the whole pomp of the 
ancient worship of the gods and the faded glory of the 
Athenian constitution were once more revived. It was at 
the same time a national Greek festival, for in the finished 

' Keil (PhiloL ii. 1863, p. $46) assumes four visits of Hadrian to Athens, 
112 AD., 135 AD., before and after the Egyptian journey, 130 A.D., and 
lastly 132 A.D. See also Ahrens, De A thenar, statu, politico^ p. 1$. 

*The list of the respective inscriptions {C.l.A, iii. i) begins with that 
of the Col. Julia Augusta Diensiuin per legatum C. Memmium Lycium ; 
TRIB . POT . XVI . cos . HI . P.P. OLYMPio is recorded, that is, the year 
132 A.D. No date is given for the other titles, but it is safe to assume 
that the rest of this list belong to the same time ; nam hoc communi 
consensu et uno tempore factum esse veri simile est (Dittenberger). 

' Flemmer, p. 53, finds that there are one hundred and thirty different 
opinions as to the time of dedication. Duerr assumes, with others, the 
autumn of 129 A.D. L. Renier also (note to Le Bas-Foucart, Inscr, 
grecqnes^ ii. partie Megaride, explication to n. 49, p. 34) tries on weak 
grounds to prove from Spartianus the year 129 A.D. or beginning of 130 A.D. 
Franz (Elem, Efngr. Gr.^ p. 286) declares himself for 132 A.D., in accord- 
ance with the dedicatory inscription from Sebastopolis (CI, A, iii. i, 
n. 483) with Olympiad I., which falls on Olymp. 227, 3, 88$ A.U.C, 132 a.d. 
See in addition Corsini, Fasti Attici^ ii. 105. Keil, ibid,^ supports Franz. 
Lenormant (Rech, arch, d Eleusis^ R, d, inscr,^ p. 179) assumes as dedi- 
cation year 13$ A.D., but he is silent on Hadrian's journeys after his re- 
turn to Rome in 134 A.D. 



140 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

and splendid temple of Zeus, Hadrian had made a new 
religious centre for the whole of Hellas. The Greek cities 
far and near sent their representatives, who were com- 
missioned to place the statues erected in honour of the 
emperor in the Olympieum. A list of inscriptions has 
been preserved from the cities of Abydos, Aegina, Amphi- 
polis, Anemurium, Thasos, Cyzicus, Smyrna, Laodicea, 
Sebastopolis, Miletus, Ephesus, Dium, Cyprus, Pales, Pom- 
peiopolis, Sestos, and others from ancient Greece will not have 
been missing.^ It was not an Athenian, but the most 
celebrated Sophist of that time, Polemon of Smyrna, who 
had the honour of delivering the Olympian dedicatory 
speech. The emperor gave the people festivals, which 
lasted all day. It was then that he ordered a great 
hunt in the stadium at Athens, in which a thousand wild 
animals were killed. The principal thing, however, that he 
did was the new institution of the Olympian games. 

These quinquennial Olympian games, or Adriana Olympia, 
were in future celebrated not only in Athens, but in other 
cities of the empire, especially in Ephesus, Cyzicus, and 
Smyrna. A new reckoning of Olympiads was instituted.' 
The emperor now assumed, no doubt after a formal resolu- 
tion of the assembled Greeks, the title of Olympian, or of 
the Olympian Zeus, and in the Greek cities he received 
the honour of the Olympian god as benefactor, founder 
and restorer of the communities, as well as of the inhabited 

' CLA.y ibid. At this time it was still usual for Greek cities abroad to 
erect, through their representatives, statues of honour to men of special 
merit, in the grove of Polias on the Acropolis ; as, for instance, the 
Gytheates to Herodes Atticus, and Tripolis to L. Aemilius J uncus, the 
corrector of the free towns of Achaia, who was also consul in the year 
127 A.D. Wachsmuth {Siadi A then, i. 69) infers from this that Athens' 
new position was at least appreciated. 

*On these games, Flemmer, p. 78 sq,^ CJ.A,^ n. 129 ; Henzen, AnnaU 
d, Inst. 1865, p. 96 ; Curtius, Hermes^ iv. i, 182. The enumeration of the 
Olympia in various cities in Krause, Olympia^ Abschnitt ii., p. 203 sq. 

* Alt *0\vfjLwl(^t Colophon, C.I.G.^ n. 3036; Jovi Olympio, Lc Bas-Wadd. 
iii. I, n. 1764 (Parium) ; n. 1570 (Priapus). Ocdt 'OXi/M«-tof {^Nicomedia^ 
Mionnet, ii. 468). Often *0\vfkwlt^ aurilpi xtd Ktlirrji. Smyrna, C./.G., n. 
3174 ; Pergamum, n. 3547 ; Andros, n. 2349, m. add. vol. ii. ; Miletus, n. 

CHAP. XIX] Hadrian's Divine Honours 141 

Spartianus tells us that, in addition to the Olympieum^ 
Hadrian dedicated other buildings in Athens which had 
been begun by him, and among them the temple of the 
Panhellenic Zeus.* The dedication of this temple was 
accompanied by the institution of a new national festival 
of the Panhel tenia, with games at stated times to which 
all the Greek cities and colonies in future were to send 
their representatives, Athens being declared the first city of 
the Hellenes. A parliament was to renew the old Achaean 
league. This artificial revival of the past was, however^ 
nothing but a pompous pretence. The Greek nation was 
politically extinct, and at the Olympia as well as at the 
Panhellenia, the worship of the emperor alone was the real 
centre of Greek affairs.* The Panhellenic games, whose 
president, or Agonothetes, was always the priest of the 
deified Hadrian, continued to exist, like the Olympic games,, 
for a long time after the death of the emperor.' 

He was worship|)ed in the cities of Greece as Zeus 
Olympios, Panhcllenios, Eleutherios, and Dodonaeos, as Zeus 
Kti.stes and Soter, and Belaeos ; or simply as god, as in 
Sparta, Abae, Nicopolis, Thespiae, Coronea ; or as the 
Pythian Apollo and new Helios.^ He appears as a new 

2863, 2866, 2877 ; Ephesus, n. 2963 b ; Aezani, n. 3832, 3833 ; Phaselis, n. 
4334 ; Attalia, n. 4339 ; Cibyra, n. 4380 ; Isauria, n. 4382 ; Magnesia on 
the Maeander, CLA. iii. 480, etc. ; Metropolis in Lycia, Tarsus, Cyzicus,. 
SebastopoHs, etc 

^ Dion Cassius, Ixix. 10 ; Pausan. i. 18, 9. 

* Hermann, Griech. Stnaisalt § 190. A Hellenodarch presided over 
this parliament ; Herodes Atticus seems to have been the first : Philostr., 
Vita Soph. ii. p. 58. A minister of finance was set over the treasury of 
the confederacy as Hellenotamias. Hertzberg, ii. 331. 

* Inscription from Aezani in Phrygia, CJ.G, 3832, 3833, Lc Has- Wadding- 
ton, iii. I, n. 867 : 6 ^PX'O^ ^^ IIoveXXi^Mr kqX Up€in $4oO 'AtfpcaroG XlorfWifrlov- 

* A Megarian inscription from the time of Julius Candidus, proconsul 
of Achaia, unites the titles of the gods *OMfiwiot, Ilt^cot, IlareXX^not, C,/.G, 
n. 1072, Le Das-Foucart, ii. Afej^nride^ n. 49. As it has the 9U a^rorp^Topo, 
it falls in 135 or 136 a.d. The proconsulate of Candidus is fixed by 
Renier between 134 and 136 A.n., explicat. to n. 49, p. 34. Hadrian 
appears as new Helios, in Clazomenae, /fe7f. Arch. N.S. xxxii. 1876, p. 44 
in Duerr, Anh. n. 38. 

142 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xix 

Dionysus at Aphrodisias in Caria, at Sardis, and even 
in a Greek inscription at Nismes.^ 

Thus was Hadrian placed on a level with the gods of 
Greece. If he was not dazzled by vanity he must have 
realized that he was only receiving the same honours from 
the miserable flattery of the Greeks which had been awarded 
to many despots before him, sharing these titles of divinity, 
as he did, with a Nero who had been raised to a level with 
Apollo and Heracles, and even with Zeus Eleutherios.* But 
Hadrian was vain enough to allow an altar to be set up 
to him in the Olympieum. Here and in the Eleusinian 
sanctuary he sat on the throne as Zeus, honour being also 
paid to his wife, for she was worshipped in Eleusis, as a 
new Demeter. But at the same time, and in the same 
place, altars were erected to Antinous as lacchus,' so the 
unhappy Augusta was not freed from her rival even after 
his death. 

There was hardly a Greek who felt the worthlessness of 
all these deifications. For since the time of the Diadochi 
the Hellenes were accustomed to honour with divine 
attributes, princes whom they feared, or whom they loved 
as benefactors. Deification was the only method of show- 
ing gratitude to their rulers which an enslaved people 
possessed. But Hadrian had behaved with such un- 
exampled generosity to Athens, that in the opinion of 
Pausanias, he had restored prosperity to the city which 
had been plunged in . misery by the wars of the Romans.* 

^ Le Bas-Wadd. iii. i, n. 1619 (Aphrodisias), C./.6r. n. 3457 (Sardis), 
n. 6786 (Nemansus). Other deifications in Hertzberg, ii. 333. 

* Eckhel, vi. p. 278. 

' Lenonnant, Reck, Arch, d EUusis^ p. 185. Sabina received in 
Eleusis a Hierophantes, CJ,G, n. 435. As new Demeter in Me|;ara, 
CJ.G, n. 1073, Le Bas-Koucart, n. 50. 

* Pausan. i. 20, 7. Compare this with the verses, already mentioned, 
•of the Hierophantes of Eleusis on Hadrian, CJ.G, n. 434. According 

to Dion Cassius, Ixix. 16, Hadrian presented the Athenians with the 
income of the isle of Cephallenia. As however Pales calls herself a 
free-town in the dedicatory inscription on the statue which she erected 
to the emperor in the Olympieum (CJ.A. n. 481), it is probable that not 
the whole of Cephallenia was presented to the Athenians. Flenuner, 
p. 59, and Bursian (Geogr. GrUch, ii. 375) consider the presentation 
a formality. 


The rising of the Jews under Barcocheba 

While the exultant Greeks were building temples to the 
new Olympian Zeus, and the nations of the East and West 
were prostrating themselves in the dust before the majesty 
of the emperor, there was one people in the empire, who 
not only refused divine honours to Hadrian, but who 
rose in despair to defend the belief of their fathers in 
the one only God of heaven and earth, and to regain 
their freedom or to perish. This people was the Jewish 
nation in Palestine. Jerusalem demanded to be restored 
to its position in history as an equal of Athens and 
Rome. The days of Titus returned, and the fate of the 
sacred city was for ever sealed. 

Dion has stated the reasons which drove the Jews of 
Palestine to revolt even under the rule of the p eace-lovi ng 
Hadrian. " As Hadrian built a city of his own, Aelia 
Capitolina, on the site of the ruined city of Jerusalem, 
and set up a temple to Zeus on the place where the 
temple of God had stood, a long and bloody war arose. 
For the Jews were furious that men of a strange race 
should settle in their city, and that foreign sanctuaries 
should be erected there."* According to this statement, 
the conversion of Jerusalem into a heathen city was the 
cause of the war, while according to the view of Eusebius 
it was the result. This contradiction is explained by the 
fact that the Jewish rebellion interrupted the building of 
the city Aelia which was only finished after the war. 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12. 

144 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Nothing but the deadly wound to their national pride 
could have driven the unhappy people to rebellion amid 
profound peace in the empire, and without the support 
of a strong power hostile to Rome, which the Parthians 
had offered to the Jews in the time of Trajan.^ The 
progress of the building of Aelia explains the despair 
of the Jews. If Jerusalem were to remain in ruins, the 
sacred ruins would still define the historical centre of 
Israel around which the hopes of a Messiah might cling. 
But if a heathen city rose on its ashes, it would for ever 
hide the national sanctuary, whose restoration could never 
be expected. Foreign colonists with their idol-worship 
began to flock into the city, the square stones from the 
old temple were employed in profane buildings, and on 
Mount Moriah before the very eyes of the Jews, arose an 
idolatrous temple of Jupiter. 

Had this Roman colony been founded in the first years 
of Hadrian's reign, it would either have been completed at 
the time of the rebellion, or strong walls and towers 
would have made the new city the object of the struggle 
between the Romans and the Jews. But so far from this 
being the case, it was not Jerusalem but Bether that was 
considered the seat of the war. The Jews did not wait 
until Aelia became an impr^nable fortress, but they 
took up arms to prevent the building of the colony ; and 
Jerusalem devastated as it was, could have for them no 
strategical, but merely a moral importance. 

Before the outbreak there were two parties in Judaea 
opposed to one another, the peaceful party and the 
fanatical party. Rabbi Joshua ben Chananja was at the 
head of the peaceful party. According to Talmudic 
authorities he had had personal interviews with Hadrian, 
particularly in Egypt, and it is said that he died after 

'Spart., c 14; moverunt ea tempestate et Judaei bellum, quod 
vetabantur mutilare genitalia. But such edicts of Hadrian, interdiction 
of worship, of circumcision, etc., were probably only promulgated at the 
close of the war, when Judaism was to be exterminated. Dodwell {Diss, 
in Iren, ii. § 31) makes too much of this passage of Spartianus, and 
likewise Miinter, Der JucUnkrieg^ p. 36, Ewald, vii. 36, Maddep, Coins^ 
p. 231, Renan, LEglise chrdHenniy p. 231. We must here accept Dion. 

CHAP. XX] Preparations for Rebellion 145 

his return thence to Palestine.* At the head of the fanatical 
party stood the old Rabbi Akiba, who had seen the glory 
of the temple before the time of Titus. He was a 
prominent member of the Sanhedrin, which, with its high 
priest (Nasi or Prince) from the house of Hillel, had sat 
in Jabne or Jamnia since the time of the Flavian dynasty.* 
Akiba, one of the first compilers of the Mishna, was 
considered the head of the spiritual regeneration of Judaism, 
and was honoured by his people as a legendary second 
Moses. The rebellion seems to have originated chiefly 
among the teachers of the law. These dogmatists brooded 
over the writings of the prophets, and their glowing fancy 
imagined that Rome's great and fatal power might be 
subdued by some Messianic miracle. 

The Jews quietly made their preparations. Following 
an ancient Semitic custom, they hid stores of arms for 
their defence among the rocks of limestone in which they 
also made subterranean passages.' * As Jerusalem^was in 
ruins, which were being rebuilt, and was occupied by 
part of the xth l^ion, Bether, a strong populous place, 
whose situation cannot clearly be ascertained, became the 
seat of the revolution. It has been sought in the neigh- 
bourhood of Jerusalem or in the Castra Vetera near 
Sepphoris.* But the presence of Roman troops in Jerusalem, 

'Derenbourg, p. 418, refers to the letter of Hadrian to Servianus, 
wherein the Archisynagogus is spoken of. See also Graetz, iv. 147. 
Eisenmenger (Enldecktes Judenthumy 171 1, ii. 931) cites from the Bere- 
schith Rahba a conversation of Hadrian with this Rabbi, which however 
is of very silly purport. 

*Volkmar {JuHith^ p tii) and others assert that they had emigrated 
to Uscha in Galilee in the war of Quietus. 

'Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12. Wetzstein (Reisebericht^ p. 45) describes the 
Troglodyte dwellings of the Hauran, and quotes Judges vi. a : "and the 
hand of Midian prevailed against Israel ; and because of the Midianites 
the children of Israel made them the dens which are in the mountains, 
and caves, and strongholds." 

«So F. Lebrecht asserts (Bether ^ die fraglUht Stadi im kadr-jiUL 
Kriegty 1877). Euseb. (//.£*. iv. 6) places Bether in the neighbourhood of 
Jerusalem. Guerin {Jud/e ii. 388 sq.) somewhat westerly from Jerusalem, 
as also Kenan, L'l'gl- chrH.y p. 144 and Les EvanxiUs^ p. 26. Cassel 
(Bnck mmd Gruher^ til Ser. 27, Theilf p. 14) between Caesarea and 

146 The Emperor Hadriar [book i 

and the strong imperial leaning of that capital of Galilee, 
make both situations improbable.^ The view of those 
who place Bether near the sea, four miles south of Caesarea, 
is probably 'more correct 

While Akiba was the spiritual leader of the insurrection, 
a man of determination appeared ready to act as general 
in the war. Talmudic l^end has endowed the last national 
hero of Israel with the strength of Samson and the virtues 
of the Maccabees, and he is certainly of a better stamp 
than the robber and murderer whom the fathers of the 
Christian church have depicted.^ This bold rebel opposed 
not only the Roman l^ions for more than two years, but 
won some bloody victories. Eusebius calls him Barcocheba, 
which means 'son of a star,' and was only his symbolic 
name ; for according to the Talmud he was called Barcosiba. 

After the emperor had left Syria, the rebellion broke 
out about the year 132 A.D.' The few Roman garrisons 
in the Country were either cut to pieces or besieged in 
their fortresses, and his first success made Barcocheba the 
hero of the rebellious nation. Fanatics saw in him the 
Messiah, who had at last really appeared. Akiba himself 
was so infatuated that he greeted him as the Messiah in 
the words of Scripture : '* Cosiba is like a star that has 
appeared in Jacob." Only one sober-minded man, the 
Rabbi Jochannan ventured to call out : " Akiba, sooner 
will grass grow out of your chin, than the son of David 
appear." The Sanhedrin, however, acknowledged the leader 

Diospolis. He is followed by Jost, Gisch, des Judenthutns^ p. 74. Graezt 
places Bether four miles south of Caesarea, as also Ewald, viL 375, 
and as Levy, Gesch, derjud. MunzeUy p. 103, and Tobler, DritU Wander- 
ung nach Palaestina, Sepp, Jerus. und das heil, Lattd^ i. 647, seeks it 
two hours from Bethlehem. Adolf Neubauer, La G^ographie du 
Talmudy 1868, between Jabne and Lydda, not far from Jerusalem. 

^ Sepphoris called itself Diocaesarea Adriana, whether before, or only 
after the war is doubtful. This city must have been inhabited by many 
Greeks and Syrians. 

'Euseb., H,E. iv. 6: Bapx'^x^P^* 6ifOfJM, 6 5ii drripa ^Xoi, rd ftiw SXKa 
^iKbt Kal XycTpucAt rtr dpi/fp. For the legend about him, see Hieronymus 
in Ruf, ii. c. 8. 

' Under the consulate of Augurinus and Severianus ; Eusebius and 

CHAP. XX] Bether 147 

of the people as the man of promise, and an assembly of 
the Jews confirmed him in his office as the temporal head 
of Israel. 

The legate in Palestine was, at that time, Tineius Rufus, 
who vainly endeavoured to suppress the rebellion as it 
blazed forth.* He ravaged the country with fire and sword 
and committed such atrocities that in the Jewish accounts 
he is called Tyrannus Rufus.* Meanwhile, a year sufficed 
to give great strength to the rebellion. The Jews received 
their supplies by sea, and they were certainly in communi- 
cation, if not with the Parthians, at all events with the 
Bedawin of Arabia, and with their own countrymen in 
Mesopotamia and Egypt' Their struggle assumed the 
horrible character of a racial war. The Jewish leader 
repaid the inhumanity of Rufus by similar ferocity ; he 
summoned the Christians of Palestine to join him, and on 
their refusal he caused many of them to be put to death.* 

In the scanty records that we possess of this desperate 
Jewish war no other city except Bether is mentioned as 
its theatre. We hear nothing of Caesarea, of Lydda and 
Nicopolis, where Roman garrisons were formerly stationed, 
nothing of Joppa, Diocaesarea and Tiberias, nothing of 
Machaerus and Massada, and of other fortresses near the 
Dead Sea, whose names have been familiar from the time 
of Titus. Even Jerusalem is never mentioned. It surely 
must have been the endeavour of Barcocheba not only to 
destroy the Roman colony, which was being built there, 
but also solemnly to confirm the deliverance of Israel on 
the most sacred spot of its history. That this did happen, 
and that a bold attempt was made by him to rebuild the 

'Eusebiiis (//.Af. iv. 6) calls him iwdpx^i^ »% 'low^af. Hieronymus 
says : tencnte provinciam Tinnio Rufa On the real name see Borghesi, 
iv. 167, and the same, viii. 189, the j^ins Tineia was previously unknown. 
But Horghesi is mistaken if he thinks that this T. Rufus was not legate 
of Palestine till 136 a.d. with Sevenis. 

* As a matter of fact there was a gens Turrani€L Sepulchral inscription 
of C. Turranius Rufus on a cippus in the stanza del Fauno in the Capitol. 

'This alliance is alluded to by Dion Casstus (Ixix. 13). 

^Justin., Apcl. ii. 72. Orosius, vii. 13. Chron, Etiseb. ed. Schoene, 
p. 168 sq. 

148 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Temple, has been both maintained and disputed.^ A 
temporary occupation of Jerusalem by the rebels might 
not have been impossible from the weakness of the Roman 
garrison. This is indeed probable from some coins which 
the Jewish leader caused to be struck after he became 
actually Nasi or Prince of Israel, and had probably been 
anointed king.^ A number of shekels are ascribed to him. 
They bear either no date or are marked with the first and 
second year of the deliverance of Jerusalem or Israel.' If 
the list of undated coins belongs to the beginning of the 
insurrection, the others must belong to the time in which 
the Jews had confined their enemies to a few places and 
were themselves masters of the country. The most curious 
are those with the inscription " deliverance of Jerusalem " ; 
the emblems on them — a palm branch in a crown of laurel, 
a bunch of grapes, two trumpets, a lyre, a vase and other 
symbols — are found on coins of the Asmoneans. Some 
have the design of a four-columned temple with the 
conventional figure of the beautiful gate and porch of 
Solomon's temple ; in others a star shines over everything.* 
Most of the coins bear the name of Simon or Simeon, 

^Deyling (Aeliae Capitolinae Origenes^ 1743, P* 273). Muenter, Jost, 
Graetz, maintain the capture, although the Jewish authorities are silent 
upon it So also Milman, Hist, of the Jews ^ ii. 431 ; Madden, Coins^ etc. 
p. 134; De Saulcy, Rech, sur la Num.Jud,^ p. 157; Cavedoni, BibUsche 
Numistnatik^ p. 62 ; Ewald and Lebrecht. Cassel and Renan (LEglise 
chrdt. in Appendix) deny it ; the latter thinks a temporary occupation of 
Jerusalem by the rebels possible. 

' Eisenmenger, ii. 654. The book of Zemach David gives even a 
fabulous dynasty of Barcocheba lasting twenty-one years ; according 
to this Barcocheba is said to have died already under Domitian, and 
his son and grandson, Kufus and Romulus, to have carried on the war. 

'All the coins of Barcocheba have been collected by De Saulcy, Rech, 
sur la Num. Judaique^ Paris, 1854, p. 156, pi. xi.-xv. by CeL Cavedoni, 
Bibl. Numismatic^ transl. by A. von Werlhof, 2. Th., Hannov. 1856^ p. 
55 sq, where some new coins have been added to De Saulc/s collection ; 
by Madden, first in the Hist, of Jewish Coinage^ then in the Coins of the 
Jews (VoL ii. of the Intemat. Numismata Orientalia^ c x., p. 230 sq^ 
See also M. A. Levy, Gesch. derjiid, MUnMen^ Leipzig, 1862, p. 93 sq, 

^ Madden, n. 19, 20, 37, 38. Cavedoni (p. 64) takes the four-columned 
building for the sacrarium of the synagogue, and not for the temple, 
which lay in ruins. The star refers to Barcocheba. 

CHAP. XX] Jewish Coins 149 

Prince of Israel, in a laurel wreath, from which it has 
been imagined that Barcocheba either bore this name 
originally or had assumed it from Simon Maccabeus, or 
from Simon Giora. But traces are to be found on these 
shekels of the names of Roman emperors in Greek and 
Latin characters as of Nero, Galba, Vespasian, Titus, Trajan 
(once indeed the head of Trajan) and this proves that 
old Roman drachmas from the coins of Antioch and 
Rome were merely re-stamped in the time of Barcocheba. 
The Asmonean symbols and the legends "deliverance of 
Jerusalem " and " deliverance of Israel " do not absolutely 
prove a new coinage, as the old Jewish die could have 
been used for them.* But even in this case the fact 
remains that coins of Barcocheba were issued, and that 
in them we possess witnesses of the last Jewish revolution, 
and of its earliest results.* 

^ For this re-stamping see Madden, de Saulcy, and Levy. Renan, 
VEgiise chrit^ p. 547, believes that Barcocheba invariably made use 
of the coins of Simon Maccabeus, and that the re-stamped ones were 
coined in Bether. 

*Cavedoni (p. 60) declares that the re-stamped coins prove by their 
style the time of Hadrian. Levy maintains that the legend ''delivery 
of Jerusalem" proves nothing, as it may have been copied from older 
coins. He ascribes to Barcocheba only the re-stamped imperial coins ; 
those with Simon, to Simon Giora. Cave^oni, however, thinks the coin 
bearing this legend proves the taking of the city, and as there are none in 
existence with the name of Jerusalem dating from the second year, 
the Jews must have been dislodged and driven to Bether during the 
first year. He proves that the Jerusalem Talmud mentions the Moneta 
Ben Cosibhae. Buxdorf, Ltx Talm, p. 1029. 


The yeztnsh war. yulius Severus assmnes the com- 
mand of the Roman army. The fall of Bether. 
The Destruction of yudaea 

The Romans at first looked upon the rising in Palestine 
as a contemptible tumult of the populace, until it grew into 
a real war, which began to be troublesome. The insurrection 
spread as far as Syria and Phoenicia, and threatened to 
excite all the Jews in the Diaspora and the hostile peoples 
in the East.^ On this account Hadrian made the greatest 
eiTorts to subdue it. We do not know that he returned 
to Syria himself or that he repaired to the scene of action 
in order to place himself at the head of his army.* A 
stranger to the warlike passions of Trajan, he allowed the 
war in Judaea to be carried on by his legates.* 

1 Kal rdiTijf usetweur KiwovfUmjs iwl TOvrtpTrjf olKOVfiiinit, Dion Cassius, Ixix. 1 3. 

'This conclusion has been drawn from Dion Cassius, Ixix. 14, where 
we are told that Hadrian, on account of the heavy losses of the Romans, 
omitted in his report to the senate the customary phrase " I and my army 
are well." But this omission shows rather that he was not with the army 
when he sent this report to the senate. Besides this, it follows from the 
connection in which Dion gives the above, that Hadrian sent this report 
to the senate not in* the beginning, but at the end of the war, or about 
the beginning of 134 A.D. ; for before the 5th May 134 a.d. he was again 
back in Rome. 

' Lebrecht (p. 37) and Duerr assert the permanent presence of 
Hadrian in Palestine at the head of the army because this is maintained 
by all the Jewish, and several of the heathen authors, (Muenter, p. 83, 
Flemmer, p. 138). The former, however, are altogether uncritical, while 
the latter fable of a second destruction of Jerusalem by Hadrian. That 

RK. I. (11. xxij The Jewish War 151 

Unfortunately there is no Josephus to relate the last 
struggle of the Jews for their national existence. The 
events of the war, and the heroic actions of the despairing 
people, remain buried in obscurity. The account given by 
Dion is comprised in one page ; Spartianus has disposed 
of the whole war in a single line, which proves with what 
contempt the Jewish struggle for freedom was looked upon 
by the Romans.* Both historians, or the authorities they 
quote, would surely have given more details if the emperor 
himself had been at the head of his army in the war. The 
descriptions of the Talmudic writers can only be looked 
upon as legends full of oriental exaggeration, and the 
narratives of two contemporaries, Antonius Julianus, and 
Ariston of Pclla, have unfortunately been lost* The severe 
defeats which the Romans endured are alluded to in a 
sentence of Fronto, who, long after the death of Hadrian, 
told the cm|)crors Marcus Aurclius and Lucius Verus that 
they ouji[ht to bear their losses from the Parthians with 
equanimity, when they remembered how many Romans 
had been cut down by the Jews in the time of their 
grandfathers, and yet the empire had finally triumphed.' 

Hadrian sent reinforcements to the sorely pressed 
Tineius Rufus. In addition to the xth legion Fretensis 
there were fighting in Judaea the llnd Trajana, the Ilird 
Cyrenaica, which had been brought from Egypt and 
Arabia, and the Ilird Gallica which was close at hand in 
Phoenicia.* The Syrian ivth legion Scythica, or a part of 
it, seems also to have been brought to Judaea. For in 

Hadrian left the war to his legates is confirmed by Dion Cassius, Ixix. 
13, in these words : iir* adroift iwtfi^f^w. 

* Spa ft. c. 13. 

*£iischiiis used Anston ; Minucius Felix and Gellius (Muenter, p. 12) 
mention Julianus. Even the memoirs of Hadrian by Phlegon seem to 
have treated the war but lightly, for a (mutilated) passage in Suidas 
(Phlegon) says : Philostorgios maintains, that Justus described the Jewish 
events much more accurately than Phlegon and Dion. Would Phlegon 
have been so inexact if Hadrian had carried on the war in person? 

^ /Je belL Parlh. at its beginning. 

*On those legions, Pfitzner, pp. 228, 230. Orelli, 3571, according to 
whom a soldier of the iiird Gallica received marks of distinction in 
the Jewish war. 

152 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

scriptions from Ancyra show that Publicius Marcellus, the 
governor of Syria at the time, left this province on 
account of the Jewish rebellion, and that Tiberius Julius 
Severus, legate of the ivth l^ion Scythica, was in power 
during the absence of the proconsul of Syria. According 
to these inscriptions Marcellus was sent to Judaea as 
general with troops of that legion.^ Quintus LoUius 
Urbicius also received a command in this war.' Even some 
Gaetulian cavalry of the Xth l^ion Gemina, under S. 
Attius Senecio, were brought from Mauretania, and the 
Viith Claudian legion from Moesia set up their military 

As the Roman generals accomplished nothing; Hadrian 
at last sent the best captain of his time, Julius Severus, 
to Judaea.^ He had been legate of Dacia, consul in 
the year 127 A.D., then legate of Lower Moesia, and 
finally governor of Britain, whence he was summoned to 
Palestine.'^ In the place of Rufus he took the chief 
command of the army, and became also governor of 
Judaea. Thereupon the war took a favourable turn for 
the Romans ; for the numbers and desperation of the 

^ CJ,G, n. 4033, n. 4034, relating to inscriptions of Tiberius Severus. 
Borghesi, erroneously affirms, v. 412, that Marcellus fled from Syria: 
fuggito per ia sollevazione dei Giudei. Dion Cassius has confounded 
Tiberius Jul. Severus with Sex. Jul. Severus. The former from Galatia 
was, according to the inscriptional cursus honorum^ extraordinary legate 
in the province of Asia, then legate of the ivth Scythica, then deputy 
for Marcellus in Syria, then proconsul of Achaia. Waddington, Mdm. 
sur Aelius Aristides^ in Mim, de Vlnst^ xxvi. (1867), p. 214 sq, 

* Renier, Inscr, de rAlgirie^ n. 2319. 

^CJ,L. vi., 3505. PAtzner (p. 93) is of opinion that the xxiind 
Dejotariana from Egypt also took part in the war, but that it was totally 
annihilated ; the vith Ferrata seems also to have fought in Judaea. 

^Dion Cassius, Ixix. 13. Inscription from Britain, C.LL, vii., 275, with 
restitution of Borghesi, iv. 166. 

^His name, S. Vinicius Faustinus C. Julius Severus. His cursus 
honorum CLL,^ n. 2830 (Inscription from Cistagne in Dalmatia). His 
legation in Britain is there followed by Le/r, pr, pr, Judaiae^ Leg, pr. pr. 
prov, Syricie. The error of Mommsen (Borghesi, iv. 168, n. 1) that he 
was succeeded by Tineius Rufus in the command in Palestine, has been 
corrected by Marquardt, i. 420. The Jewish war broke out when Rufiis 
was legate there. 

CHAP. XXI] Progress of the War 153 

rebels made Sevenis avoid pitched battles. He harassed 
the enemy in petty warfare, cutting ofT their supplies and 
breaking their strength. He succeeded in starving out 
the Jewish garrisons. T'ifty strongholds and 985 villages 
are said to have fallen by degrees into his power, and 
to have been destroyed by him. 

If the unfortified city of Jerusalem came into Barcocheba's 
pos.session, it was re-taken by the Romans without the 
necessity of a siege. Greek and Roman authors certainly 
speak not only of the siege, but also of the complete 
destruction of Jerusalem in the time of Hadrian.^ Rabbinical 
tradition, which confuses the two wars under Titus and 
Hadrian, merely asserts, like Jerome, that Tineius Rufus 
ordered the plough to be driven over the site of the 
temple.' Neither Dion nor Eusebius in his history of the 
Church has a word to say about the conquest of Jerusalem. 
Dion only relates the extraordinarj' anecdote that the 
disastrous termination to the rebellion of the Jews had 
already been foretold by the fall of Solomon's tomb. The 
statements of fathers of the Church and chroniclers of later 
ddiys about a final destruction of the holy city, are to be 
looked upon merely as a rhetorical repetition of her fate 
under Titus. For it may reasonably be asked, — what was 
there among the ruins of Jerusalem in Hadrian's time for 

' Appian, livinf^ in Rome during the war, says, de bello Syr, c 50, 
l<fMV«Xif/A i)r— ^ O^waeifkv^ — iraWtf-jrafe, koX *A9piap6f a0tftr iw* ifioO, Then 

Euseb., /)efn, Ei'mtj^, ii. c. 38 ; Theophnn.^ n. 9 ; Chron. ed. Schoene, 
p. 168. Chron. SuppL e Syncello^ p. 226: ^ ir« 'A^pmroC rcXcIa icoi ^ax^ni — 
y\n liUKum 9\taoi\. In his Hist, Eccl.^ Eusebius says nothing about it 
Hieron. injer. vi. c. 31, p. 877: sub Adriano . . . io urbs Jerusalem subversa. 
tn httiam iii. c. 7 ; in Esech, vii. 24 : sub Hadrian ci vitas aetemo igne 
consumpta. In Joel i, 4 ; in I /abac. c. 2 ; in Ephes. c. 5. Chrysostom, 
Oraiio 3 in Judaeosy Francof. 1698, i. 431. Chron. PaschaU for the year 
119A.D. Suidas, H.XC. in vita A dr. 866. Passages also from the later 
Byzantines in Deyting, p. 264. The only Jewish source which Muenter 
uses is the Samaritan Dook of Joshua. Renan, l^Ej^lise chr^tienne^ p. 

543 ^f. 

*The Jewish passages in Muenter, p. 42. Templum aratum in 
ignominia : Hieron. in Zach. c 8. 18. 19. The legend originated 
probably from the coin of the colony Aelia Capitolina which represented a 




154 The Emperor Hadrian [book 1 

Barcocheba to destroy, even if it is true that he occupied 
the city?^ 

The Jews made their last stand in the fortress of Efether. 
Rabbinical legends contain the most exaggerated accounts 
of the population of this city and of the number of its 
synagogues, as well as of the heroic struggles for its 
defence. The length of the si^e of Jerusalem under 
Vespasian and Titus is curiously transferred by them to 
the siege of Bether with much ingenuity. In this fortress 
Barcocheba remained some time, with the rest of the 
rebels, until famine and the siege engines of the Romans 
broke down their resistance. Bether was taken by Severus 
in the year 135 A.D. or 136 A.D., as the Rabbis say, 
on the same fatal 6th August on which Jerusalem fell 
for the third time before the sword of the enemy.* 

In the ashes of Bether the last heroic struggle of the 
Jewish people ended. They alone, among all the nations 
subject to Rome had made the attempt, even in the time 
of the greatest military power of the empire, to r^ain 
their freedom. This attempt was, in face of the existing 
state of things in the world, an act of madness and 
despair ; but* even so, it does honour to the Jewish nation. 
As they were not adapted like the Hellenes, after the 
fall of their national state, to form a part of the Roman 
world, and to carry on a cosmopolitan existence, they 
were obliged, true to their character, to perish heroically 
among the ruins of Judaea. 

Barcocheba's fate is unknown. More fortunate than 
Simon Giora, he seems to have found a soldier's death. 

^ Renan has demonstrated this exhaustively in PEglise chrHienne, The 
opinion of Muenter and others, e,g, De Saulcy {Reck, sur la Num, JuiL^ 
p. 1 $8), Champagny, Les Antonins^ ii. 66, Schuerer, Naitestam. ZcUf^esch,^ 
P* 359t which asserts the siege and destruction of Jerusalem under 
Hadrian, may be dismissed. Scaliger, Animcuio, in Euseb,^ p. 144, 
already considered this a myth, so also Pagi, and lastly the greatest 
explorer in Palestine, Robinson {BibL Researches in Palestine^ ii. 6). 

' Hieron. in Zacch, viii. 262, has borrowed this from the Talmudists, 
and confounds, as they have done, the two wars under Titus and Hadrian. 
He transfers the close of the war to the twentieth year of Hadrian. 
Euseb., H,E, iv. 5 {Chron. ed. Schoene, p. 168), places the fall of Bether 
in Hadrian's eighteenth year. 

CHAP. XXI] Devastation of Judaea 155 

The rest of the rebels were slain, and thousands of Hebrews 
were carried off into captivity. The Romans sold them 
for the price of horses in the market by the terebinths 
of Hebron, the dwelling-place of Abraham. Those who 
were not sold here were offered at a low price in Gaza, 
or were dragged as slaves to Egypt and Rome.* Some 
scattered bands might have succeeded in fleeing to the 
deserts of Arabia and to Babylon. 

The Talmudists may be forgiven their exaggerations 
when they say that streams of blood flowed through 
Judaea into the sea at Joppa, as even Dion Cassius places 
the number who fell by the sword in the war at 580,000, 
without counting those who died from hunger and plague. 
His figures are probably taken from official returns, or 
perhaps from the lost autobiography of Hadrian. The 
number of slain was boasted of before the senate, for 
laurel wreaths receive their value from the blood in which 
they arc stcc|>cd. Palestine, a field strewn with dead 
bodies, became a desert waste. Jackals and hyaenas 
prowled through the devastated country and among the 
ruined cities.- 

Hadrian's character for humanity suffered from the 
cruelties of the Jewish war, and he lost the feeling of 
happiness which he had hitherto enjoyed as he travelled 
peacefully through the world. He never saw Asia again. 
Necessity had made the patient, peace-loving emperor 
execute the most fearful judgment of history. He executed 
it as a Roman would, in cold blood, and we may venture 
to say that he had more justification than had Titus in 
his day. No man of feeling can refrain from pitying the 
fate* of the Jewish people, but no thoughtful person can 
imagine that the victory of an Akiba and a Barcocheba 
would have promoted the historical development of Asia. 
The restoration of an independent state was in- 
conceivable and impossible. It would have entirely de- 
stroyed the work of Rome in Syria, from the Euphrates 
to the Red Sea, and would have set up a narrow Semitic 

' Hicron. injer. c. 31, Zachar. c. 2. 

' Kal Xi;ro(, ^i9oi re iroXXcU h rdt r^Xrct aiVuyr Mwtwrit^ ^pvoiurau Dion, 
Ixix. 14. 

156 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

fanaticism and religious intolerance in the place of Greek 
and Roman culture. The cosmopolitan idea of the Roman 
empire had no such stubborn enemy as the Jews, and they 
we(e_ therefore . destroyed from political motives. Their 
last heroic death-struggle appeared to the Romans and 
Greeks merely as a crazy rebellion against the humane 
government of Hadrian. Pausanias alludes once to this 
Jewish war, saying : " Hadrian, who was emperor as late 
as my time, honoured the gods highly, and cared intensely 
for the happiness of all his subjects. He never waged 
war from choice, but he put down the Hebrews in Syria 
by force, as they had risen up against him."^ 

Hadrian would have disdained to accept triumphal 
honours for the defeat of Judaea, even if he had won them 
in person. He allowed no coins to be struck with the 
inscription JUDAEA DEVICTA, as was done after the conquest 
by Vespasian and Titus.^ But he assumed the title of 
Imperator for the second time, in consequence of the con- 
clusion of the Jewish war* No decorated army returned 
from Palestine to Rome to proceed in triumph to the 
Capitol through the arch of Titus, bearing a splendid booty. 
What was there in Judaea for them to pillage? The 

^ *kii(na9oQ — TtM^ ^fxotUwm^ h tCSatfUM^iap rd fadytara ixdaroit ro^M^xofi^rov* sol 
^f fih wdXtfiMf Mipa iKodcun Kmriffni *E/3pa(ovt 9i roOt vrip XCpun^ ixfipA^mro 
dwoardrrat. Renan, VEglise chNLy p. 2 1 3 : Les faaatiques d'Israd combat- 
taient pour la theocratic, pour la liberty de vexer les paiens, d'exterminer 
tout ce qui leur semblait le inaL 

' It is very doubtful whether the coin exer . judaicus (Eckhel, vL 496) 
was struck in conunemoration of the war as Graetz, iv. 169 supposes. 
Froehner, Les MM. nU PEmp. rom.^ p. 34, refers two medals of Hadrian 
to the Jewbh war ; the first shows a Victoria on a btga^ the second, 
Roma seated on arms at the side of trophies, behind her a Victoria, 
below Felix Roma. The hypothesis of Froehner falls to the ground, as in 
the superscription the title Imp. li. is missing. 

* Borghesi, viiL 580. In the military diploma (CJ.L, iiL i, n. 35) of 15th 
September, 134, the Imper. 11. b missing. The war was therefore at that 
time not ended. In n. 36, of i6th January, 138 a. D., the title is however 
mentioned. This title was still given to Antoninus after the war in 
Britain, although he was not present there. I pass over the inscription 
relative to Hadrian ais deliverer of the republic (in the Jewish war), and 
boldly supplemented by Henzen, 5457. 

CHAP. XXI] Punishment of the Jews 157 

generals who had been in command were rewarded.* The 
emperor and the senate decreed triumphal distinctions to 
Julius Severus, the real conqueror of Judaea.* The same 
general became governor of Syria, while Tiberius Severus, 
who had ruled the country as deputy for Marcellus, became 
legate of Bithynia. This province, which had hitherto 
been proconsular, now became imperial, and the senate 
received Pamphylia in exchange.' 

Whether Julius Severus continued to govern Judaea 
as legate of Syria, or whether the emperor gave a new 
ruler to this unhappy country, is uncertain. Nothing more 
is heard of Tineius Rufus. 

The adherents of Barcocheba were now frightfully / 
persecuted ; members of the synagogue in Jamnia were 
executed, and Akiba himself suffered the painful death of 
a martyr. Hadrian ordered the Jewish worship to be 
suppressed with the greatest severity, forbidding even the 
use of circumcision. This edict drove the miserable 
remnant of the Jews under Hadrian's successor into 
rebellion, and Antoninus Pius felt himself obliged to 
repeal it. The Jews however were forbidden to circumcise 
Gentiles, and they were not allowed to make proselytes.* 

The last strength of Israel's manhood perished with 

'So (2- Lollius Urbicius, Renier, Inscriptions de PAljrfyie^ n. 2319: 
Legato imp. Had. in exped. Judaica, qua donatus est hasta pura, corona 
aurea ; n. 2320, his family. As legate in Britain (140-143 A.D.) he built 
the wall of Antonius, CJ,L. vii., p. 192. Henzen, 6501. Kellermann, 
Vijp'lfs^ n. 247 : inscription in honour of C. Popilius, late legate of the 
legion X. Fretensis, tribune of the legion ill. Cyrenaica, donato donis 
militnrib. a. Divo Hadr. ob Judaicam exped itionem—Mommsen, LR,N. 
3542. Granting of honours to C. Nummius Constans ob bellum Judaicum. 

* CtiKK/ts honor. CJ.I^ i, iii., n. 2830: ornamenta triumphalia decrevit 
ob res in Juclacn prospere gcstas. Perhaps Severus was the last who 
received these honours. Before him they were received by Cornelius 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 14, C./.G. 4033, 4034. After his mission in Syria 
Tib. Severus became proconsul in Achaia, then corrector and curator 
in Bithynia. Borghesi and Huebner {Rhtin. Mus, xii. 1857, p. 58 sg.y 
have confounded him with Jul. Severus, who had nothing to do with 
Bithynia. This has been corrected by Waddington, A/Z/w. sur AeL 
Aristid. in Mdm. de Vlnst. xxvi. 1867, p. 227 sq. 

« Dig. xlviii., Tit. 8. 1, 1 1, Tit 2. i, 3, § 3. 

158 The Emperor Hadrian [bk.i. ch.xxi 

the distinguished families, the priests and teachers of the 

people. But the Christian communities too suffered from 

ithis persecution. Rejoicing as they did that their dog- 

>/^^atic view of the true Messiah had been proved by the 

Idownfall of the false one, they were nevertheless involved 

/in the ruin of the rebels. During the war the Christian 

/communities of Jerusalem are said to have sought an 

lasylunfi in. Decapolis on the other side of the Jordan.^ 

There they suffered as much as the Jews from the vengeance 

of Rome. The terrors of this Jewish war and its painful 

consequences have been reflected in the synoptic gospels.* 

f ^he Christian communities which had hitherto observed 

/ the Mosaic ritual now renounced it, in order that they 

J.. might not share the fate of the Jews. For the first time 
they chose a bishop from among the uncircumcised, Marcus 
by name, and thus the last tie was severed which had 
connected the Christians of Palestine with the Jews." 

Hadrian unconsciously completed the service which Titus 
had rendered to the new religion. For only after Jerusalem 
had finally fallen as the capital of the Jews, and after the 
Jewish nation had been uprooted, could the Christian 
Church become cosmopolitan. Judaism itself certainly 
remained indestructible. The temple was replaced by 
the book of the law, the Mishna and the Talmud, which 
date from the time of Akiba. This renewal of theological 
work was the last national act of the people, who, scattered 
over the earth and afflicted with unspeakable sorrows, yet 
remained faithful to the God of their fathers ; the only 
example in the world's history of a people who continued 
to exist without a country, and to whom their religion 
compensated for its loss. 

^ Graetz, iv. 182. 

^Graetz, note 15 to Matth. 24. 15, Mark 13. 14, which has erroneously 
been applied to the time of Titus. 

* Eusebw, H,E. iv. 6, Sulpicius Severus, //. Sacra^ il 31. 


The Colony Aelia Capitolina 

As Jerusalem still existed, even in its ruins, and as these 
could not be at once obliterated, it was determined that 
the former capital of Judaea should for ever lose its name 
and fame. All the Jews who had been living there and 
in the environs were driven out, and Roman veterans, 
Phoenicians and Syrians, were settled there as a new 
colony,* which the emperor called Aelia Capitolina. He 
dedicated it to himself, and to the Jupiter of the Capitol, 
by whom the Jehovah of the Hebrews had been overcome. 
This sanctuary would then take the place of the old temple 
on Moriah.* The victory of Jupiter over Jehovah was 
however only nominal, for in a Christian form the ancient 
God of the Jews conquered both Rome and the world. 

The colony had been planned and begun before the 
Jewish war, and immediately after the war was ended the 

' Eusebius, H.E, iv., c. 6, who, quoting from Ariston of Pella, says : 
the Roman colony was built because the city was completely depopulated 
after the expulsion of the Jews and the loss of the old inhabitants : 
iX dXXo0l;\ov re 7/rovt ffvwonaaOeltnitt ^ /trr/rccra awrrcura 'Pw/imk^ roMt r^ 
iw%m^v/Uar d/ul^ffotra — ACkla wpoaayop€^Tai, 

* It is called Capitolina in Dion, Ulpian, in the tabula Peutingeriana 
etc., and not Capitolia or Capitolias. Deyling has corrected the error of 
Harduin, that Domitian had already called Jerusalem Capitolias ; this 
is a confusion with Capitolias in Coele-Syria. Sepp. i. 102, 179, asserts 
that that part of the city where the xth legion was quartered, had been 
called Capitolias, and that the Aelia derived its name from it Two 
editions of Ptolemy (Argentor. 1522, and by Victor Langlois, Paris, 1867), 
have indeed Capitolias ; the Wilberg edition (1838) has A/Xla KawtT^kia, 


i6o The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

new building was taken up again and vigorously carried on. 
Eusebius gives the 20th, Jerome the 21st year of Hadrian 
as the date of the (second) foundation of the Aelia, 
the colony must therefore have been consecrated in the 
year 136 A.D. or 137 A.D.^ Coins with the legend 
this foundation.^ 

It is only a Christian legend that Hadrian entrusted 
the building of the new Jerusalem to the Greek Acylas 
from Sinope, who, at one time a Christian, was turned 
out of the community, and went over to Judaism.' He 
made a reputation by translating the Bible into Greek. 

If the Talmudists say that the eipperor ploughed up 
the ground round Jerusalem in token of its degradation, 
and then built the new city, this fable is explained by the 
coins of the colony which bear the usual symbol of the 
husbandman, or by the Roman rite of making a circle 
with the plough-share round the city about to be founded.* 

The colony was built on the site of the old city, but it 
had a diminished circumference. For, as is admitted by 
all explorers in Palestine, the eastern slopes down to 
the brook Cedron, as well as mount Zion to the south, 

'The Chron. PaschaU erroneously gives 119 a.d. as the foundation 
year. A distinction must be drawn between a first foundation and, after 
the interruption arising from the war, the second one, which Madden 
(///>/. of Jew, Coinage\ p. 200, acknowledges as correct. He places the 
first in the year 131 A.D., the last in 136 A.D. The assumption that the 
new colony had been consecrated at the time of Hadrian's Vicennalia 
has some probability in its favour. Deyling, p. 293. — De Saulcy, Rech,^ 
p. 158. 

' De Saulcy (iS/um, de la T, 5., p. 85), gives two such coins ; n. i re- 
presents a colonist with two bulls ; n. 2, as he believes, the genius of the 
colony in a teti*astyle. The same in Madden, Coins of the Jcwsy p. 249. 
He wrongly considers the aratum tetnplum the emblem of the colony. 
The figure n. 2, which is repeated in a coin of M. Aurelius and of L. 
Verus, is, according to him, either Jupiter or the city. He places the 
colony-coins in the year 136 a.d. De Saulcy in the year 137 a.d. 

* This is related by Epiphanius of Eleutheropolis in Palestine, Bishop 
/ ill Cyprus about 367 A.D., de pond, et mens, c. 14. Curiously enough, he 

/ makes Acylas a brother-in-law (rcv^cp^ffiyt) of Hadrian. He is supported 
/ by Chron, Paschaie for ttie year 132 a.d. 

* Graetz, iv., n. 14, p. 451. 

ciiAi\ xxiij The Temple of Jupiter i6i 

were outside the walls of Hadrian.* The Aelia estabh'shed 
the ground plan of the later Jerusalem, and it was the city 
of Hadrian which Constantine and Helena found, when 
they built their famous churches, and it was this Jeru- 
salem, irrespective of the changes wrought by time, which 
became the prey both of Arabs and Crusaders. 

Hadrian had the new city divided into seven quarters, 
over which he placed civil magistrates (Amphodarchs). 
He built two market-places, a theatre for gladiatorial 
combats, and other public buildings, many of which were 
only finished after his time.* As a military colony was 
required to be a strong place, it must have had a fort, 
and this can only have stood on the site of the present 
fortress of the Turks, namely the citadel of David by the 
Jaffa gate, where *:he indestructible remains of Herod's towers 
would certainly have been used by Hadrian for his fort." 

No s|)ot could be more appropriate for the new temple 
of the god of the Romans than the rocky plateau of Moriah, 
supported by its gigantic walls. It had indeed been en- 
cumbered since the days of Titus with masses of ruins 
from the temple of Herod, but these gradually disappeared, 
as the material was used for the building of the new city. 
The temple of Jupiter had already been begun before the 
war, for Dion states that its erection on the site of the 
temple of Jehovah was one of the causes of the Jewish 
rebellion.* Even in the fourth century, when Hadrian's 

^ Robinson, ii. 467. Sepp. i. 241 sg. 

* These statements only in the Ckron, Pasch, for the year 119 A.D. : 

fffTMTc rd i\A 9rifi6ffta iral r6 Biarpw^ rd Tptxdfiaport — TrrpcCrv/c^or — Aw^ciCrvXor 
t6 wpbf dro;<a^i6/ifror ^KpafiaBfuAj xal rifp K68paif — iwrd Aft^o^.... Some ex- 
pressions are obscure. 

' Perhaps the citadel was the Dodecapylon. Robinson, ii. 454, places 
the building of the citadel absolutely in the time of Hadrian. 

* Eusebius and Citron, Pasch, do not mention the temple of Zeus, and 
the fathers speak only of monuments of Zeus and of Hadrian on the site 
of the temple. Hieron in Isaiam ii., c. 2 : Ubi quond. erat templum 
Dei — ibi Adriani statua et Jovis idolum collocatum est The equestrian 
statue of Hadrian was still seen by Jerome ''in ipso sancto sanctor loco" 
(in Matth. c. 24, 15). But he also says (ad Paulin, Ep. \%\ that a statue 
of Zeus stood over the tomb of Christ J oh. Chrysostom {Adv, Judaeos^ 
T. c. 11), speaks only in general of a statue of Hadrian in Jerusalem. 


i62 The Emperor Hadrian [booki 

building no longer existed, the pilgrim of Bordeaux, and 
after him Jerome, saw on the site of the temple Hadrian's 
equestrian statue and the " perforated stone " (now el Sachra) 
which the sorrowing Jews were accustomed to anoint. 
Hadrian's temple can only have been of small dimensions, 
for it is not mentioned in the catalogue of the emperor's 
buildings in Jerusalem, which are enumerated in the Alex- 
andrian chronicle. Coins of Aelia show a small round 
building with the figure of Zeus in the centre, standing 
either alone, or between Pallas and Hera, but it is doubtful 
whether the building is intended to represent the temple of 
Zeus.^ As for the rest of the coins of the colony, they show, 
in addition to the image of Zeus, the image of Astarte, of 
Serapis (this latter more frequently after the time of Marcus 
Aurelius), of Apollo, of Dionysus, and the Dioscuri, thus 
proving that it was not the Capitoline Jupiter alone who 
was worshipped there.^ 

When Jerusalem again became the holy city of the 
Christians in the time of Constantine, the temple of Zeus 
was destroyed, with all the other sanctuaries of the gods. 
As the Christians found heathen temples and idols on the 
spot, which according to their belief was the site of Mount 
Calvary and of the sepulchre of Christ, they maintained 
that the Romans had intentionally profaned the holy 
places, and made them impossible to identify. Over 
the grave of our Saviour, they assert, stood a shrine of 
Astarte, or the Syrian Aphrodite ; the same goddess was 
worshipped on Mount Calvary, and Thammus or Adonis 
in the grotto at Bethlehem.' In the marble image of a 

^ De Saulcy, Numismatiqtu <U la Terre Sainte^ p. 85, n. 3. Madden, 
p. 250. Jupiter seated, at his sides Minerva and Juno, or perhaps the 
genius of the city. — Coin of M. Aurelius in Vogii^, Le Temple de J^rusalem^ 
p. 62, a tetrastylon, in the centre Jupiter seated in a vaulted niche, around 

' Eckhel, iii., p. i. 

' Euseb. ViL Const iii. 26 (Aphrodite in the vault : he speaks, however, 
only of tBtoi nrct). Hieron., ad Paulin., Ep. 58 (in crucis rupe statua 
Veneris; Adonis in Bethlehem). Socrates, H,E, i., c. 17 (Sepulchre of 
Christ, temple and figure of Aphrodite^ likewise Sozomenus, H,E, ii., 
c. I. Paulinus, Ep, xi., ad Severum (simulacrum Jovis in loco passionis; 
temple of Adonis in Bethlehem). Tobler, Golgatha^ p. 50 sq, — Sepp, 

CHAP, xxii] Edict against the Jews 163 

boar on the gate leading to Bethlehem, Jerome, not with- 
out reason, saw an insult to the Jews, although this animal, 
sacred to Ceres, was a military badge of the Romans.* 

There are no remains of Hadrian's buildings in Jerusalem, 
or none that can be identified as his, for it is only con- 
jecture which ascribes to him the arch of Ecce Homo^ the 
splendid Porta anrea^ the triple gate, the ruined columns 
of the bazaar, or the foundations of the Damascus gate.* 
There are no marble inscriptions in Jerusalem to give any 
information now of this emperor or of the Aelia Capitolina, 
while so many cities of the empire have afforded written 
monuments for the learned to read. Jerusalem has refused 
this service ; for only one solitary imperial inscription 
has been found there bearing the name of Antoninus Pius, 
and this is of no value ; but a happy chance has brought 
to light an authentic Greek inscription from the temple of 
Herod, which refuses to the Gentiles entrance within the 
sacred precincts on pain of death.' 

It is certain that Hadrian ordered the xth l^on 
Fretensis to stay in Aelia, and the vith legion Ferrata 
also remained behind as a garrison in Judaea.^ He forbade 
the Jews to set foot in Jerusalem and in the surrounding 
country, and this inhuman edict remained in force for 
centuries ; but in the course of time the Jews were allowed 
to come once a year, by bribing the Roman guards, to the 
place of the temple, when they wept, on the anniversary 
of its foundation, over the destruction of their city by Titus. 

Jemsdl. u. das hdl.-lMnd i.,' p. 419, believes in an intentional dese- 
cration by Hadrian and his successors ; but Robinson, ii. 73, Renan 
and Tobler doubt the confused statements of the fathers. 

* Hieron., Chron. On the symbol Spannheim, Hist Christy saec. ii., 
p. 687. 

* Robinson, i. 437. Tobler, Topof^, i. 1 58. 


AUGUR (?) D . D., in Vogii^, Le Temple^ pi. v., and from CJ.L, iii., n. 16. 
The inscription has been inversely fixed to the south wall of the Harim, 
over the double gate, below the aksa ; Tobler, Topaf^, i. 60. — The 8t6l€ 
with the Greek inscription was discovered by Clermont-Ganneau on the 
Har&m wall, Comptis rendus in Acad, d, Inscr. 1872, p. 177. It is now 
in the Louvre, as the one solitary relic of the temple of Herod. 

* Pfitzner, p. 188, 242. 

164 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxii 

The pilgrim of Bordeaux saw there the statue of Hadrian 
and the holy stone ; the Jews anointed the stone with oil 
on that day, amid weeping and lamentation and rending 
of garments, and afterwards departed.^ This striking 
commemoration, the oldest in history, is still repeated 
to-day at the wall of wailing in Jerusalem, though it has 
become a theatrical as much as an historical display of 

Aelia Capitolina continued to be a heathen city until 
the days of Constantine. The emperor Commodus must 
have derived some special benefit from it, for he gave it 
the name Commodiana.' 

The name of Jerusalem did not certainly disappear after 
the time of Hadrian ; it survived all the more in the memory 
of men, and the bishops especially made use of it, though 
it was replaced officially by the name Aelia. This, indeed^ 
continued for three hundred years to be the name for the 
city and bishopric of Jerusalem.^ It was still used officially 
in the year 637 A.D., for when the Caliph Omar took the 
holy city, he called it in the charter which he bestowed upon 
it, not Jerusalem, but Aelia,* 

^ Itiner. HierosoL^ ed. Wesseling, p. 591. On the edict of Hadrian: 
/ustin. ApoL ii. 84. Tertull. Adv, Jud^ c 15, 16; Apolog,^ c. 16. 
Celsus, in Ortg. at the end, 1. 8. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 12, p. 202. Sulp. 
Sever, ii. 45. Euseb. Dem. ii., c. 38. Hilar. Psalm. 58, p. 219. Euseb.. 
and Hieron. Chron. Hieron. speaks touchingly about it, Sophon^ c. ii. 

' I witnessed it there in the Easter time of 1882. 


p. 94), first on coins under Caracalla. 

^ At the time when the Empress Eudocia visited Jerusalem, and even 
as late as the year 536 A.D., it is stated in the rolls of a synod at Jeru- 
salem : In colonia Aelia metropoli sive Hierosolyma ; Harduin, ConciL 
ii. 14 1 2 in Robinson, ii., p. 9. 

'Tobler, Golgatha^ p. 104. In De Saulcy (p. 185, pi. 19), the first coin, 
struck in Jerusalem by the Arabian conqueror, with the inscription Aelia. 


The War with tfte Alani. Arrians Periplus of the 

Black Sea 

Hadrian had returned to Rome before the Jewish war 
was over, for his presence there on the 5th May, 134 A.D., is 
proved by an inscription.* Towards the end of this war 
the Alani revolted, a tribe who lived between the Caucasus, 
the Caspian Sea, the river Cyrus and Iberia, and who were 
also called Massagetae. The Iberian king, Pharasmanes, 
had stirred them up to a predatory expedition, by which 
Armenia and Cappadocia were disturbed. 

The Alani seem also to have penetrated into the country 
of the Parthians, for their king, Vologeses, appeased them by 
presents, while the Roman force, under the command of the 
governor of Cappadocia, Flavius Arrianus, reduced them to 
tranquillity.* The history of the dealings of this famous 
man with the Alani is lost. The writing called The Order 
of Rattle against the Alani, which is added to the Tactics of 
Arrian, appears to have been a part of it; but it merely con- 
tains information about the composition of the Roman 
troops and their order of battle.' This motley army con- 
sisted of Celtic horsemen, infantry from the Bosporus, 

' Greek letter of Hadrian to the congregation of the triumphantly 
crowned athletes who called themselves after Hercules. C./.C7. 5906, 
Latin in Gruter, 315: Trib. Pot. xviii., Cos. iii., prid. iii. — Non Majar 

*Dion Cassius, lxix« 15. Spart c. 17. On these quarrels Schneider- 
wirth, Pie Par/her^ p. 1 56. 

»"EirTa(«f «rar* 'AXarwr, appended to the Tacticn. Amstelodami, 1683^ 
p. 98 sq. 

i66 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Cyrenians, Numidians, Achaian cavalry, Armenians, men 
from Trebizond and Colchis, Getae and Italians, and the 
Xllth and xvth legions. Xenophon, a Greek, whose name 
recalled famous times, was general of the whole army, and 
Valens, legate of the XVth legion, led the cavalry. After 
Arrian has described the order of battle in which the 
army was drawn up, he says that on the approach 
of the Scythians, who rode without armour on bare- 
backed horses, uttering a fearful war-cry, missiles were 
hurled, the infantry pressed forward, and the enemy took 
to flight. The whole war seems to have been of little 

Vologeses, king of Parthia, had moreover sent inessengers 
to the senate to accuse Pharasmanes, and the barbaric chief 
of Iberia came to Rome with his wife and son to vindicate 
himself. He was received with hospitality. The emperor 
allowed him to offer sacrifice on the capitol, he increased his 
power, he even erected an equestrian statue of him in the 
temple of Bellona, and he delighted in the war dances of 
the Iberian nobles. This is the account of Dion, but 
Spartianus says that Hadrian wounded the pride of his 
vassal by ordering three hundred criminals in the arena to 
be clothed with the costly garments which the king had 
brought to the emperor as a present. 

Flavius Arrian, a second Xenophon, possessed the full 
confidence of the emperor, who made him governor of the 
province of Cappadocia, where he remained as legate from 
about 1 3 1 A.D. to 1 37 a.d.^ The result of this happy appoint- 
ment was the Periplus of the Black Sea, a work which we 
possess in the form of a Greek letter addressed to Hadrian. 
For the emperor had commissioned his legate to sail round the 
coasts of the Black Sea in order to ascertain the condition 
of the Roman fortresses there, as well as all other particulars, 
and for this purpose Arrian drew up a report, written, unfor- 

^ He wrote his Periplus of the Euxine in 131 A.D. (Marquardt, R, St.; 
368X his Taetica in 137 a. D., as he says there himself, in the 20th year 
of Hadrian. As late as 1 37 a.d. he is mentioned in an inscription from 
Sebastopolis as legate of Cappadocia (/^^z^. ArcA. N.S. 1876, p. 199). He 
was succeeded as legate by L. Burbuleius Optatus Ligurianus, Borghesi 
iv. 158. 

CHAP, xxiii] Arrian's Periplus 167 

tunately, with the brevity of a soldier. But as an authentic 
geographical sketch it is of the greatest value.^ 

He began his voyage at Trebizond, the colony of Sinope. 
** Here," so he writes to the emperor, " we gazed with delight 
on the Black Sea from the same spot whence Xenophon, 
and you too, looked upon it"* Two rude altars stood 
there, but the Greek letters were defective and illegible, so 
Arrian ordered other altars to be erected of white marble, 
with a plain inscription. A statue of Hadrian stood there, 
too, with his right hand pointing to the sea. The people of 
Trebizond had probably erected it in memory of his visit 
Arrian did not think the statue worthy of the emperor, so he 
begged him to send another to Trebizond, and also to 
replace the existing statue of Hermes, in the temple there, 
by a better one. 

From Trebizond the voyage proceeded in an easterly 
direction towards the harbour Hyssus, where Arrian re- 
viewed a cohort and twenty horse ;' then further on to the 
Pontic Athens, where a temple of Athene, a deserted fort, 
and a harbour were to be seen. From there he sailed to 
Apsarus, where five cohorts were stationed, who received 
their pay and were inspected. Arrian derives the name of 
the place from the death of Absyrtus, whose tomb was still 
to be .seen.* 

Then follows a list of all the rivers past which he 
sailed after leaving Trebizond. The distances are given in 
stadia from place to place, and from river to river. 1450 
are reckoned from Trebizond to the Phasis. Arrian praises 
the water of this river on account of its lightness, clearness, 
and purity. It is said not to grow putrid if kept for ten years, 
but rather to improve. On the left of the mouth of the river 
stood the figure of Rhea, the goddess of the country, a 

1 Arrian also makes particular mention of letters in Latin which be sent 
to Hadrian, in addition to his Greek report. Periplus^ p. 122. 

* Xenophon, Anabasis^ iv. 822 : koX ^X^or e>l ^aXarrov f /t T/wrefoOrra 
vMcr 'EXXiyrf6a olKWfUtnifw iw rf Ei)(e/ry n6rrv» ZivoWwr dvourfor er rj K^Xxm' 

'Ptolemy (v. 6, 5) enumerates Ischopolis, Cerasus, Pbamacia, Hyssi 
Portus, Trebizond. 

* 'A^^ot llorafi^t, in Ptolemy, th'd. 

i68 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

cymbal in her hand and lions under her seat. An anchor of the 
Argo was shown, but Arrian doubted its genuineness, as it was 
made of iron. On the other hand he placed more faith in some 
remains of a stone anchor which he saw. A fort stood on the 
Phasis, with a garrison of four hundred men — picked troops, 
under whose protection the merchants lived. Arrian ordered 
the harbour to be strengthened by a walled trench.^ 

The voyage proceeds to Sebastopoh's or Dioscurias, 
formerly a colony of Miletus, the most northerly emporium 
for oriental goods, and the most important military station 
of the empire on this side. For the chain of Roman fort- 
resses ended here, and behind lay the unconquered country 
of Caucasian tribes, of whom only a few acknowledged the 
supremacy of Rome. Sebastopolis was a flourishing market 
for the barbaric tribes, where, according to Strabo, seventy 
nations carried on their trade, and where a great slave 
market was held.* The city received favours from Hadrian, 
for it erected a statue to him in the Olympieum at Athens, 
and called him its benefactor.' 

Then follows the list of peoples past whose shores Arrian 
sailed. Some paid tribute, others refused to pay it. Over 
many tribes Hadrian had appointed chiefs. The Colchians 
and Drilae are mentioned (both according to Xcnophon) 
as neighbours to the people of Trebizond. The Drilae 
Arrian also calls Sanni.^ He complains that they lead a 
predatory life, and molest the people of Trebizond. He 
thinks, with the help of the gods, they might be made to 
pay tribute, and if they refuse they ought to be put to death. 
The Machelones and the Heniochi, whose king is called An- 
chialus, are near neighbours to the Sanni.* Then follow the 

^The citadel is called Phasis in the tabula Peutingcriana ; by Ptolemy 
Sebastopolis. This geographer bounds Colchis on the north by Sarmatia, 
on the west by that part of the Euxine which stretches from the river 
Corax to the inner bay next to the Phasis. Then begins Armenia Minor 
and Iberia on the Caucasus. 

' Strabo, xi. 498. To-day the Mingrelian place, Iskuriah. 

* 2c/3curroroXctn' rCjQr cr Ildi^ry 4 pov\^ Kal 6 Brjftot, C,/.0, 342. 

* Ptolemy (v. 9, 20) alludes to a people, Sovparot, behind the Amazons 
and between the Hippian and Ceraunian mountains. Mannert, vi. 420, sg, 

^ Ptolem. (v. 9, 20) places the Heniochi in Sarmatia Asiatica between 
the Cercetae and the Suani. 

riiAi*. xxiiij Arrian's l^criplus 169 

Zyclrcti, subjects of Pharasmanes, then the Lazi, under king 
Malassus, who was set over them by Hadrian, and the 
Apsilae, to whom Trajan had given Juh'anus as a king. 
Close to these are the Abasgi (now Awchasi), whose king, 
Rhesmages, had been appointed by Hadrian. Similarly 
the Sanigri received their king Spadages from Hadrian. 
We may perceive the nature of the Roman power in these 
Caucasian districts, where the condition of the small and 
separate tribes has remained very much the same even 
until our own time. But the prosperity of the commercial 
cities which once flourished there has been destroyed by the 
Mongols and the Tartars. Russia, who, since the days of 
Peter the Great, has been in possession of nearly three sides 
of the Black Sea, carries on the work of colonization begun 
by the Greeks and Romans in these countries, but without 
their spirit ; and only in her warfare are we reminded of the 
days of Imperial Rome. 

The river Apsarus is the extreme limit of the liuxine 
towards the cast.* Arrian must thence have sailed north- 
wards to the Singames, and then his course must have been 
along the left side of the Pontus to Sebastopol, whence he 
could see the range of the Caucasus, and its highest point 
Strobilus. He recalled to mind that it was there that 
Prometheus had been chained. 

In the second part of the Periplus Arrian describes, too 
often only from imperfect information, the country on the 
banks of the Thracian Bosporus as far as Trebizond along 
the coasts of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and the country of 
Pontus. The number of forts, harbours and commercial 
cities are an excellent proof of the state of civilization there 
while the north and north-eastern side of the Euxine were 
shrouded for Arrian, too, in the gloom of mystery and fable. 
We notice the most im|)ortant places on this passage to 
Trebizond : Iferaclca (Erakli), a colony of Megara ; Sinope, 
a colony of Miletus ; Amisus, a colony of Athens ; Phar- 
macia (formerly Cerasus) and Trebizond, whose prosperity 
was largely clue to Trajan. Arrian earnestly besought the 
emperor to build a harbour here. 

The third and last line, which completes the circuit of the 

' See the map of this Periplus in the edition of Nicol. Blancard. 

I70 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

Euxine, is the line from Sebastopolis to the Cimmerian, and 
thence to the Thracian Bosporus, i,e. to Byzantium. The 
death of Cotys II., the king of the Cimmerian Peninsula, 
suggested this sketch of Arrian's.^ He wished to acquaint 
the emperor with the geography of the Crimea. Subse- 
quently the emperor gave the sovereignty of the Bosporus to 
a son of Cotys, Roemetalces, who now called himself the 
friend of the emperor and of the Romans, as was the habit 
with other barbarian princes appointed by Rome.* The 
Bosporan kings had their likeness stamped on their coins in 
addition to that of the emperor, and there are some in 
existence of the time of Hadrian.' The Cimmerian Bosporus, 
however, never became a province under the rule of Rome. 

From Sebastopolis the voyage is pursued along the coasts 
of the present Mingrelia, Abasia and Circassia. Arrian 
notices the people of the Zichi by the river Achaeus. They 
too had received a king from Hadrian. The promontory of 
Hercules, Vetus Lazica, Achaia Antiqua, the harbour of 
Pagrae and Hieros Sindica, then the Cimmerian Bosporus, 
and Panticapaeum are all mentioned.* This city, now called 
Kertsch, a colony of Miletus, was the most important place 
in the Tauric Chersonesus, the residence of the Tauric 
princes who were under the protection of Rome. The great 
Mithridates died here. Arrian does not mention the Hyp- 
hanis or river Kuban, which discharges itself opposite the 
city. He places the Tanais (the Don), which separates 
Europe from Asia, sixty stadia from Panticapaeum, and then 
he makes it flow into the Black Sea from the Maeotis Palus 
(the Sea of Azov, which, according to Arrian's estimate, com- 
prises 9000 stadia).^ The way in which he speaks of it 
proves that he never saw the Don, and it is most likely that 
he allowed the whole excursion to be undertaken by some 

' Cotys died in 131 a.d. See C.I.G,^ n. 2108 c, sg, 

' ^iKhKOLiirap, ^Xofnifiaiot, the emperor himself he calls (fkw Krlaniy. C,/,G.y 
n. 2108 f, sg. 

'Of Cotys and Roemetalces. The legend is Greek. Mionnet, ii., p. 
372 ; Suppi. iv. 506 sq. Under Constantine there still existed a Bos- 
poran king — Sauromates. 

* Ptolemy, iii. 6, 4 ; viii. 10, 4 : llarruravo/a. 

^ Ptolemy (vii. 5, 6) has the correct estimate. 

CHAP. XXII i] Arrian's Periplus 171 

one else. The important city Tanais (Azov), which even in 
the Middle Ages still retained its trade with India, is not 

From Panticapaeum the journey is continued to Theo- 
dosia, formerly a colony of Miletus, which at that time was 
abandoned.^ The city is now called Caffa, or Feodosia. 
We may also mention Symbolon Portus (Balaclava). It is 
again remarkable that the promontory of Parthenion, with 
its temple of Diana, and Kriu Metopon (Cape Merdwinoi), 
known to Ptolemy, are not mentioned. The Dead Sea 
(Sinus Carcinites) is not spoken of by that name, but is 
known as " not a large sea " at the lower end of the harbour 
of Tamyrace. The Greek colony Olbia, on the Borysthenes 
(Dnieper) is mentioned.* Then follows the harbour Odessus 
(Odessa), 250 stadia further Istrianorum Portus, then Isia- 
corum Portus, and Psilum at the mouth of the Ister 
(Danube).' The mouths of the Hypanis (Bug) and the 
Danastris (Dniester) are not mentioned. Opposite to this 
mouth of the Danube lies the island of Achilles, with an, 
ancient temple of the hero, where sailors sacrifice goats to 
him.* Ancient votive offerings are to be found there, vases 
rings, precious stones, with Greek and Latin inscriptions in 
praise of Achilles and Patroclus. Numerous sea birds make 
themselves useful in the temple, which they clean with their 
wings. We cannot read without astonishment the wonderful 
things narrated by a sensible man like Arrian, with the 
greatest gravity. Achilles was here a sea god for mariners, 
to whom he spoke in oracles. He appeared to them in 
dreams or awake, but only on this island, while the Dioscuri 
appeared everywhere. Thetis gave the island to her son, 
and he inhabited it. Arrian obtained the whole of this in- 
formation from hearsay, and he expressly says that it does 
not appear incredible to him, as Achilles was such a great 

' Arrian, Per. 1 32 : ral /u^fiii iimv aMft iv iroXXoct ypd/xtiOffiw. 

'Ptolemy, iii. 5, 28: 'OX/?(a ^ Kcd Bopva$4mt: cp. Per/pi, Anon.^ p. 9, in 
Mannert, iv., p. 238. 

' Ptolemy : 'Opdf7(r6t or 'Op9f7(r<r6f, in European Sarmatia, not to be con- 
founded with Odyssus or Odessus in Moesia inferior. 

* Ptolemy iii. 10. 17 : Kal ^ *Ax(XX/ct ^ Acvir)} r^ot, also called Dromos 

172 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxm 

Four other mouths of the Danube follow after Psili 
Ostrum, then the cities I stria, Tomi, Callantra Portus/ 
Carorum Portus (the surrounding country is called Caria). 
We also notice Dionysopolis (Baldschick) in Lower Moesia, 
Odessus (Varna), the promontory of Haemus (K. Emineh), 
Mesembria (Missivria in Thrace), Apollonia (Sizeboli), Sal- 
mydessus (Midja), the fabulous Cyanae, the temple of Zeus 
Urios at the entrance of the Bosporus, the harbour of 
Daphne, and finally Byzantium. 

The cities there were Greek. They had preserved their 
language and constitution under the Roman dominion, and 
to her alone they were indebted for protection from the 
incursions of the Scythians and Sarmatians. The most 
important communities among them, such as Istros, Tomi, 
Odessus, Mesembria and Apollonia, even formed a league 
of cities with a diet.^ 

' Ptolemy and Pliny speak of six, Strabo of seven mouths ; of. Manneit, 
iv., p. 219. 

> Koti'di' r^f wiyrawdXtiot or tQv *E\Xi/i¥u»v : G. Perrot. Inscr. inid, de la mer 
noire, Rev, Arch,, 1874, P« 22. 


Hadriatis last years in Rome. Death of Sabina 
Augtista. Adoption and Death of Aelius Verus. 

After the emperor had travelled through the length aftd 
breadth of his empire he found himself once more in the 
palace of the Caesars, wearied, aged and sad. He made 
additions to his villa at Tibur, and he built his tomb in 
Rome. The work of his life was accomplished. Increasing 
illness embittered his existence. The anxiety of appointing 
a successor to the empire weighed upon him : for like all 
the emperors before him except Vespasian, Hadrian had no 
natural heir. 

It did not need a particularly jealous disposition to look 
with suspicion, or as Spartianus says, with hatred upon all, 
who, as possible inheritors of the throne were awaiting his 
death with ill-concealed eagerness.^ Every ruler, who, like 
Hadrian, has played a long and distinguished part in the 
world, must be disturbed by painful thoughts as he ap- 
proaches the end of his career. His nearest legitimate heirs 
were his brother-in-law Servianus, and the grandson of 
Servianus, Fuscus Salinator. The father of this young man, 
a consul and friend of Pliny, had married a daughter of 
Servianus and of Domitia Paulina, and of this marriage 
Fuscus was the offspring.* Astrologers had foretold that the 
young man would wear the purple, and this prediction may 

^ Spart. c. 23 : Omnes postremo, de quorum imperio cogitavit, quasi 
futures imperatores detestavit. 

' Pliny { vi. 26) to Servianus expressing his pleasure at this marriage. 
Borgbesi, ii. 212. Hadrian even thought Servianus worthy of the throne, 
Dion Cassius, Ixix. 17. 

174 'I'he Emperor Hadrian [book i 

have been repeated to the emperor. Other candidates for 
the throne were Platorius Nepos, once a favourite of Hadrian, 
and Terentius Gentianus, who was a favourite of the senate. 

It does not transpire that Augusta Sabina took any part in 
the palace intrigues about the succession, as Trajan's wife had 
done before her. She would scarcely have had time, for she 
died about the year 136 A.D. Slander was active in ascribing 
her death to the hatred of the emperor, who was said to have 
made her take poison.^ Aurelius Victor gloomily narrates 
that Sabina was treated by her husband almost like a slave, 
and was at last obliged to put herself voluntarily to death ; 
that she had indeed publicly declared, that she would never 
have a son by Hadrian, as she knew he would inevitably be 
a curse to the human race. As a similar saying is related of 
the father of Nero, the husband of Agrippina, this can only 
be considered a fable. The commonplace biographers of 
Hadrian have even surpassed Tacitus and Suetonius in 
searching the chronicle of Roman scandal.' 

We know nothing of Hadrian's domestic relations ; but to 
Sabina he seems not to have been much attached.' The 
beautiful medals with the l^end Concordia Augusta must 
have been a bitter satire on her married life.* The emperor 
always paid honour to his wife in public, and so did the 
world by setting up altars to her by the side of those of the 
emperor. She seems to have been enrolled among the gods 
by Antoninus Pius.^ Her memory, moreover, is preserved in 
the medals and inscriptions of Rome, as well as in those of 
the colonies. Her portrait in numerous busts shows a dis- 
tinguished but not pleasing face, with a massive and lofty 
forehead, a large nose, and lines of haughty sadness about 

^ Spart. c 23 : Sabina uxor non sine fabula veneni dati ab Hadriano 
defuncta est. 

' Duruy (iv. 409) defends Hadrian against Roman scandal regarding his 
conduct towards Sabina. 

' In the collection of Dositheus, previously referred to, there is a letter of 
Hadrian's to his mother (Plotina) ; he invites her to dine with him as it is 
his birthday, and Sabina has gone into the country. This betrays a mutual 
dislike. Boecking, Corp, Juris Rom, Ante just, 212. 

* Cohen, ii., p. 247, n. 2, sq, 

^ Consecration coins in Eckhel, vi. 522, Cohen, ii., n. 27. The veiled 
Sabina holds a sceptre ; an eagle raises her. 

CHAP, xxiv] Death of Sabina 175 

the mouth, which seem to justify the epithet " morose " that 
was applied to her.^ Sabina had probably been prominent as 
a woman of culture in Trajan's court circle, and naturally 
enjoyed the society of intellectual men. This displeased the 
suspicious Hadrian, who on one occasion dismissed Suetonius 
and others from the court. Meanwhile, in the silent marble 
alone the sorrowful face of this unhappy Augusta continues 
to live for us. 

All the candidates for the throne were in the end greatly 
disconcerted by the emperor's choice. This fell upon Lucius 
Commodus Verus; and it must have been the more surprising 
as the man chosen was the son-in-law of that Nigrinus, whom 
the senate at the commencement of Hadrian's reign had 
ordered to be put to death for high treason. It almost looks 
as if the emperor wished to atone for a crime. 

The declared heir to the throne was the son of Ceionius 
Commodus, whose consular race came from Etruria.* He 
became praetor in 130 A.D., and then (on 5th of December) 
his wife Domitia Lucilla bore him a son Lucius Verus, 
who afterwards became the inglorious colleague of Marcus 
Aurelius. His rare beauty and his charming manners pro- 
cured him the favour of the emperor, whom he had been 
allowed to accompany on his voyage up the Nile. Evil 
interpretations were put upon this friendship by some who 
imagined that Verus was a second Antinous. His wit and 
conversation were brilliant, and he composed Latin and 
Greek verses as well as the emperor himself, who looked 
indulgently upon his excesses. The pleasure-loving Lucius 
Commodus was only carrying out the traditions of Hadrian 
and of Rome, when he confronted the Stoics with the 
maxims of Epicurus. He invented a pasty which Hadrian 
liked, and that was a merit as far as the emperor's kitchen 
went;^ but another invention of his favourite must probably 
have met with less approval, namely, a specially artistic bed 

' So she appears in the bust of alabaster in the Capitol, with a con- 
spicuously high head-dress, with wreath of ears of com and a diadem. 

*Spart Melius^ c. 2 : Jul. Capitol.^ Verus Imp.^ c. I. 

' Spart., Melius^ c. 5, alleges that this pasty was called pentafamiacum^ 
as it consisted of sow-udder and parts of pheasant, peacock, ham, and 
boar, contained in a crust of sugar. 

176 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

hung with network curtains, on which Lucius, perfumed with 
Persian scents, was in the habit of reposing, Ovid's Amores 
in his hand. This to Hadrian, who had often slept like a 
common soldier, on the bare ground, would be very dis- 
pleasing. Lucius masked his runners, whom he caused to 
run unmercifully, as winged cupids, giving them the names 
of the winds. The pedant Spartianus, in speaking about 
these excesses, remarks that though they were immoral, they 
were not dangerous to the state. They show clearly enough, 
however, that even the simplicity of Hadrian's court, and his 
efforts to improve the habits of the Romans, were not 
sufficient to eradicate the vices of society. Justin still pitied 
the children, who, in spite of Hadrian's prohibition, were 
openly sold to procurers in Rome, and Epictetus could 
satirize the women who devoured the Republic of Plato, as 
it taught them the happiness of a community of wives.^ 
When the wife of Lucius Commodus complained of his 
intrigues, her husband quietly said : ** Wife is a title of 
honour, and does not denote pleasure"^ If Verus had been 
nothing but a libertine the choice would have done little 
credit to Hadrian's power of judgment. Either he saw in 
Verus qualities which made him worthy of the throne, or 
he was deceived in him. We may perhaps not be wrong 
in thinking that Hadrian was chiefly influenced by the 
striking and regal beauty of Verus.* 

After Hadrian had determined to adopt Verus, the dis- 
appointed candidates endeavoured to interfere ; the choice, 
moreover, was repugnant to all the Romans.^ As at the 
beginning, so at the end of his reign, Hadrian saw himself 
threatened by a conspiracy, and the feeling that after twenty 
years of wise government he could not carry out his wishes, 

* Justin, ApoL ii. 70; Epictet. Apophthegw.^ p. 427 (J. Stob. Eclog, tnoral^ 

13>. 30)- 
^ Spart. Melius^ c. 5. He had several children by Lucilla, L. Aurelius 

Verus, who afterwards became emperor, and several daughters. Ceionia 

and Fabia are mentioned by name, and one of them was engaged to 

Marcus Aurelius, who however rejected her. 

' Comptus, decorus, pulchritudinis regiae, oris venerandi, — Spart HeiiuSf 

c. 5. 

* Invitis omnibus, — Spart. c. 23. 

CHAP. XXIV] Death of Servianus 177 

made him beside himself. The chiefs of the discontented 
party were his own brother-in-law and his brother-in-law's 
grandson Fuscus, the one an old man of ninety, the other a 
}^uth of seventeen. The emperor's rage was so uncon- 
trollable that he did not spare even the old man. He 
ordered both the unfortunate men to be executed, or he 
compelled them to commit suicide. Hadrian was at that 
time at his villa at Tibur, where he lay ill and exhausted 
from loss of blood. From there he seems merely to have 
issued the sentence of death, for there is no account of a 
trial before the senate.^ 

Dion tells us that Servianus, before he died, called the 
gods to witness to his innocence, and implored them not to 
allow Hadrian himself to die when the time came for him 
ardently to desire death. As Servianus knew the state of 
mental torture the emperor was in, his curse seemed likely 
to be fulfilled. Paulina, the wife of Seryianus, died before 
him. Hadrian did not show any public mbrks of respect to 
the memory of his sister, for which he has been reproached 
as wanting in affection.' For a long tirtie he must have 
been on bad terms with his nearest relations. 

Servianus and his young grandson were not the only men 
who fell victims to Hadrian's morbid derangement, for there 
were others whom he is said to have done away with, either 
publicly or secretly.' His secret police had plenty to da 
The despot was latent in every Roman emperor, and there 
were traces of it in Hadrian's features. If only by force of 
contrast to the fine spirit of humanity by which he had 
been actuated throughout his life, these bloody sentences 
have left a deep impression on the memory of the world. 
Coming before us as bare facts only, we can neither explain 
nor palliate them. If his biographers are correct, Hadrian 

1 Spartianus (c. 23) only says : Tunc libere Servianum quasi adsecta- 
torem imperii, quod servis regis coenam misisset, quod in sedili regio iuxta 
lectum posito sedisset, quod erectus ad stationes militum senex nona- 
genarius processisset, mori coegit E. Knaut (Hadrian als Regent und 
als Character^ Nordhausen, 1871), defends this and other of the emperor's 
actions, but shows too much predilection for him. 

*Dion Cassius, Ixix. 12. 

*Spart. c. 23. 

178 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

either ruined his best friends or put them to death, from his 
capricious iil-humour, and from his greatest fault, jealousy.^ 
But when Marius Maximus asserts that Hadrian was natur- 
ally cruel, and did good only from fear of suffering the 
same fate as Domitian, it is more than absurd.' Against 
this is the opinion of Dion, who says : " So far from being 
blood-thirsty, Hadrian punished persons who were hostile to 
him, merely by writing to their native cities that they had 
incurred his displeasure.' 

The emperor adopted his heir to the throne in 136 
A.D., probably on the loth of August, the anniversary of 
his own accession.^ He gave him the name of Aelius, and 
the title of Caesar. This Julian cognomen had hitherto been 
borne by all the members of the reigning imperial house, but 
Hadrian was the first to bestow it as a dignity upon his 
appointed successor. Verus at the same time became second 
consul for 137 A.D., and tribune. The emperor celebrated 
his adoption by games at the circus, and by costly pre- 
sents to the people and the army. In order that the new 
Caesar might show his practical capacity, and might carry 

^ Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3: 6ii 8ii ^^ot oArov deiy^aroi. 

' Spart. c. 20, and with it c. 1 5, where the ill-treated friends of Hadrian 
are enumerated : Attianus, Nepos, Septicius Clams, Eudaemon, Polaenus, 
Marcellus, Heliodorus, Titianus, Umidius Quadratus, Catilius Severus, 
and Turbo. 

'Dion Cassius, Ixix. 23. Nothing is more contradictory than the views 
expressed in Dion and Spartianus regarding the disposition of Hadrian. 
They judge from the sources before them. Whatever there is in Dion in 
favour of Hadrian emanates probably from his autobiography. 

*The Capitoline fasti call Aelius Verus Caesar only in his second 
consulate (137 A.D.) while during his first (136 A.D., with S. Vetulenus 
Civica Pompeianus) he is still officially called L. Ceionius Verus. There 
can, therefore, be no question as to his adoption before 136 ^D. An 
inscription in Gruter 874, 5, records these two as consuls on 19th of June, 
136 A.D., without giving to L. Ceion. Commodus the title Aelius Caesar. 
On the other hand, there is an Alexandrian coin (Zoega tab. 9X showing 
that the adoption had taken place already on 29th of August Borghesi, 
viii. 457. The adoption and nomination as Caesar has to be set down 
for August, 136 A.D. This has lately been established, against Peter 
(Rdm, Gesck, iil 552 sq,) by J. Plew, Marius Maximus als Quelle der 
Script, H. Aug,y Strassburg, 1878. The adoption coins in Foy-Vaillant, 
i. 164, Eckhel, vi. $25. 

CHAP. XXIV] Death of Aelius Vcrus 179 

on his official career to the proconsulship, Hadrian entrusted 
him with the government of Pannonia, the same country in 
which the emperor himself had learnt the art of ruling. 
Verus went there first in the beginning of 137 A.D., as pro- 
consul, for the tribunicia potestas gave him the imperium 
proconsulare outside the city.* The inscription on a statue 
which Aelius Verus Caesar erected to his adopted father in 
Pannonia proves that he was still there in August' Sparti- 
anus observes that he made only a moderate impression 
there by his qualities as a ruler. 

Either the health of Verus was so much shattered that a 
longer residence in the Danubian countries would not have 
suited him, or the time of his mission had expired, as he 
returned to Rome before the end of 137 A.D., and here 
the emperor relinquished the government to him, retir- 
ing himself to his villa at Tivoli. The dissolute Verus, 
however, was seized by a fatal illness.' Hadrian saw the 
disappointment of his hopes, and sighed to think that he 
had leant on a tottering wall. He repented his imprudent 
choice, but it was only malicious calumny which said that 
he had adopted Verus because he foresaw his early death. 
Spartianus, who repeats this, quotes prophetic verses of 
Hadrian about Verus, and other sayings whose truth had 
been proved by magic and astrology.* The dying Caesar 
had prepared an eloquent speech to congratulate the em- 
peror on 1st of January, and to thank him for his favours, 

^ Borghesi, Ann. d. Inst. 1855, p. 24 ; Oeuv, viii. 457. The Trib. Pot and 
the second consulship is recorded on an Egyptian coin in Zoega, p. 161 ; 
a medal referring to the alimentation of Rome, in Froehner, Les Med. 
de rEmp. Rdm.^ p. 45. The inscription of the city Cibyra, in Pisidia, 
which calls him her benefactor, C.I.G. 4380 ; that of Hadriani, Le Bas- 
Wadd. 1053 (Duerr, Anhang, 63). 

^C.I.L. iii. 4336 from Javarin. His administration of Pannonia is 
recorded by a coin : pannonia . TR . pot . cos . li . S . c Eckhel, vL 526. 
Cohen, ii., p. 260, n. 24. 

'A coin of L. Ael. Caesar, with Salus feeding the serpent, may refer 
to his illness. Cohen, ii., n. 43. 

* It is doubtful whether the delicate health of Verus has any connection 
with Corinthian coins, which had been struck in memory of his adoption 
and nomination as Caesar, bearing the head of Aesculapius. Foy- 
Vailtant, i. 164. 

i8o The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxiv 

when, for the good of the world, death snatched him away.^ 
A man like Verus would have suited the times of a Caligula 
and Vitellius, but not an age which was influenced by the 
Stoics. Epicurus withdrew, leaving the path to the throne 
open to Epictetus and his followers. The memory of Verus 
was kept alive for a time by the son who resembled him, 
and who had the honour of being tolerated as a colleague 
by Marcus Aurelius. Aelius Caesar, moreover, invented the 
famous pasty, which survived him as his best memorial. 
It became the favourite dish of the emperor Alexander 

' Spart Hadr.f c. 34, AeL Vier., c 4. The year 138 A.D. is fixed by C./,L, 
ill., n. 4366. (Javarin in Pannonia). 
* Lampriditts, Aiex. Stv. c. 30. 


Adoption of Antoninus. Death of the Emperor 


Hadrian's end was approaching. He summoned the prin- 
cipal senators, and poured out his heart in a melancholy 
speech on both kinds of succession, natural and appointed. 
He gave the preference to the latter ; for the qualities of 
a son may be settled by nature which often produces feeble 
and irrational beings, while the judicious ruler can make the 
best choice. He thus had first appointed Verus, and now, 
fate having swept him off, he had found a ruler who com- 
bined all the qualities that could be desired. This was 
Aurelius Antoninus, a man who had never thought of the 
succession, but who, the emperor felt sure, would accept 
the offered dignity out of love to himself and the senate, 
however reluctant he might be to take it^ 

As a matter of fact, the man of Hadrian's choice, a 
noble senator and a philosopher, did not covet the purple. 
Hadrian gave him time to consider whether he would accept 
his offer and the condition attached to it, namely, that he 
must himself adopt two young men, Marcus Annius Verus 
(called afterwards Antoninus), son of the brother of his wife, 
and Lucius Verus, son of the dead Aelius Verus Caesar. 
To this Aurelius Antoninus agreed, and the world owed two 
emperors, the ornaments of the Roman empire, Antoninus 
Pius and Marcus Aurelius, to Hadrian's wise choice. It was 
Hadrian's dying gift to humanity; and of his numerous 
benefits it was the greatest. 

' Dion Cassiut, Ixix. la 

1 82 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

For the rest, this new choice met with some opposition 
among those who were disappointed in their expectations, 
like L. Catilius Severus. He had been Hadrian's friend, his 
first successor in the supreme command in Syria (117- 119 
A.D.), then proconsul of Asia, and lastly, as it appears, pre- 
fect in Rome, in succession to Valerius Asiaticus.^ Hadrian 
contented himself with removing him from office. 

The new Caesar Antoninus belonged to the Aurelian 
family, and came from Nismes in Gaul. His house was 
rich in earnest and distinguished men. The tyranny of the 
Caesars had not been able to extinguish the virtues of 
ancient Rome in every family. In the race of the Antonines 
there was something of the nature of Cato, of Thrasea and 
Helvidius, a philosophic contemplation of the world deep- 
ening into melancholy. The maternal uncle of Aurelius, 
Arrius Antoninus, twice consul, was renowned for his ex- 
cellent qualities, a holy man, as Capitolinus says, who 
commiserated Nerva when he ascended the throne. The 
parents of Antoninus were the consul Aurelius Fulvus, a 
melancholy and delicate man, and Arria Fadilla, who, after 
the death of her husband, married Julius Lupus. Antoninus 
himself was born on 19th of September, 86 A.D., at Lanu- 
vium, and was brought up at Lorium. He filled the office of 
quaestor and praetor with distinction, and became consul in 
120 A.D. Hadrian chose him as one of the four consulars to 
whom he entrusted the government of Italy, giving him the 
district in which he himself had the most property. Before 
the year 135 A.D., he was made proconsul in Asia, filling 
the office so well that he even surpassed the fame of his 
maternal uncle Arrius Antoninus, who had also been pro- 
consul there. Pliny has marked him out for special praise.' 
After his return the emperor took Antoninus into the privy 
council, where Capitolinus tells us that he was always in 
favour of moderate measures. He must have been a man 
of fifty-two years of age with great experience in political 
matters, when Hadrian chose him for his successor. 

^ Waddington, Fast, des Prov, Asiat,^ p. 134, 205. 

' Pliny, iv. 3. On the proconsulate of Antoninus in Asia, see Wadding- 
ton, Fast des Prov, Asiat,^ p. 205 sq. His successor there was L. 
Venuleius Apronianus. 

CHAP. XXV] Adoption of Antoninus 183 

Antoninus had mamed Annia Galeria Faustina, sister of 
Aelius Verus. She had borne him two sons, but as they 
were both dead, Hadrian adopted him only on the condition 
that he should adopt Marcus Annius Verus and Lucius 
Verus in the place of children. The former was the son of 
the praetor Annius Verus, and of Domitia Calvilla, and was 
a nephew of Faustina. Hadrian, who was fond of the boy, 
gave him the name Verissimus, on account of his love of 
truth. He was born on 26th of April, 121 A.D. 

The new heir to the throne was adopted on 25 th of 
February, 138 A.D., and assumed the name of T. Aelius 
Hadrianus Antoninus. After he had delivered his speech 
of thanks in the senate, the authority both of proconsul and 
tribune was bestowed upon him as co>regent and Caesar.^ 

The emperor meanwhile was tormented by cruel pains, as 
dropsy had now followed upon exhaustion. The last days 
of this once happy traveller through the world, the new 
Olympian Zeus, the distributer of blessings and benefits to 
his people, the ruler who had adorned the earth with works 
of beauty, were so terrible, that the dying Hadrian is one of 
the most striking examples of the vanity of all earthly 
things. He died daily, as Tiberius had done before him, 
without dying. Medicine and magic were alike of no avail. 
The physicians only provoked the sarcasm of the sufferer ; 
he laughed satirically at their ignorance, and quoted the 
well-known saying, " many physicians are the death of the 
king."* He had not strength enough to kill himself, though 
he did not condemn suicide, and had once given the philo- 
sopher Euphrates permission to commit it In his agony he 
begged for poison or for the stab of a dagger, promising 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 2t. The proconsulate which the emperors from 
the time of Augustus, bestowed upon their adopted sons, did not, as 
Pagi (Crit in Baron^ p. 135) asserts, carry with it the title of Imperator 
for the Caesars. See Eckhel, viii., c. 2, p. 339, " De proconsulibus im- 

' Kiytop KoX poQv rh StifiCUft, 0n voXXol larpol paeiXia dvi^Xcrav ; Dion 
Cassius, Ixix. 22. Epiphanius (De Mensuris^ c. 14) asserts even that 
Hadrian wrote a satire on the physicians {iwirrhXtiv ^rccScirrur^). Dion 
(Ixix. 17) speaks of a letter from Hadrian, in which be says how torment- 
ing it is to wish to die, and yet not to die. It was Hamlet's lament in 
his famous monologue. 

184 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

money and pardon. But no one ventured to lay bands on 
the ernperor, and Antoninus kept watch over him. He pre- 
vailed so far on one of bis favourite slaves, the Jazygian Mas- 
tor, that be promised to kill him. Hadrian showed the slave 
a place below the breast, where bis physician Hermogenes 
had told him that a blow must be fatal. But Mastor ran 
away. A physician who had refused to administer poison 
to the emperor, killed himself The superstition of the time 
surrounded Hadrian's melancholy death-bed with wonderful 
legends, for though incurable himself, he restored sight to 
the blind by merely touching them. This power of healing 
was in no way attributed to Hadrian's personal gifts, but 
was considered by the servile nation a proof of the divinity 
to which he had attained. Even in Vespasian's days the 
Alexandrians had brought the infirm and the blind to him 
to be healed.* 

We |Jo not know whether the unhappy man was in the 
palace of the Caesars, or in his villa at Tibur. He sought 
relief for his sufferings in the balmy air of Baiae, after he had 
resigned the reins of government to Antoninus ; but he soon 
summoned Antoninus to his side as he felt the near 
approach of death. In his last moments he uttered some 
Latin verses which have been preserved : 

*' Soul of mine, pretty one, flitting one, 
Guest and partner of my clay. 
Whither wilt thou hie away ; 
Pallid one, rigid one, naked one. 
Never to play again, never to play ?" ' 

The verses are too like Hadrian not to be his. They 
illustrate the nature of this enigmatical man, who, with the 
darkness of death closing round him, still indulges in sarcasm. 

» Tacit Hist, iv. 81. 

'The translation is from Merivale : 

" Animula, vagula, blandula : 
Hospes comesque corporis. 
Quae nunc abibis in loca ; 
Pallidula, rigida, nudula. 
Nee ut soles dabis jocos ?" 

— Spart. c. 25. 

CHAP. XXV] Death of the Emperor 185 

Death released Hadrian on the loth of July, 1 38 A.D., when 
he expired in the arms of one of the noblest of men, whom he 
had appointed to be his successor. Antoninus had the body of 
the dead man burnt, with great ceremony, in Cicero's villa at 
Puteoli, where the ashes remained until the hatred of the 
senate for his memory had subsided. For the senate had 
been greatly embittered by his last cruelties, Antoninus 
himself having been the means of saving many from perse- 
cution. The opposition of the old Romans had also been 
aroused, in whose eyes Hadrian's cosmopolitan tendencies 
must have seemed a departure from the traditions of the 
state. For had not the emperor been more of a Greek than 
a Roman ? Had he not curtailed the privileges of Rome by 
making the provincials of equal rank with the citizens of 
Rome ? The senate stood on its rights ; it criticised the 
actions of the dead prince, and found that Hadrian, who had 
been declared Zeus by Greece in his lifetime, was not worthy 
after his death to be enrolled among the Roman divinities. 
The senate had the courage of its opinions, remembering 
that the apotheosis of the prince was a matter for it to 
decide, and that this had been refused to the murdered 
Domitian when the army demanded it. 

This behaviour of the senate greatly disturbed the pious 
Antoninus. But by his prayers, his tears and complaints, he 
eventually succeeded in accomplishing the consecration of 
Hadrian by the senate,^ and for this amiable action alone he 
deserved the epithet " pious." He had the ashes of Divus 
Hadrianus brought to Rome, where they were interred in the 
new mausoleum. Subsequently Antoninus dedicated a temple 
to him on the l^'^orum of the Antonines, which he had built. 
He also erected a temple to the deified emperor in Cicero's 
villa at Puteoli,* appointing priests and flamens, who are 
mentioned in the inscriptions." At Puteoli he founded in 

' Dion Cassius, Ixx. i. Consecration coins in Eckhel, vi. 512. 

' Its ruins are said to have been discovered not far from the amphi- 
theatre in Puteoli : Mommsen on n. 2487, LR,N, 

' Flamen of Hadrian, Gruter, 446, 7. In Ostia, inscriptions from the 
theatre there, Notixie degli scavi {Acad, d. Uncet)^ 1880, p. 474, n. 5. 
Sodales (Hadrianales) frequent In Gruter, 5, 3 ; 19, 3 ; 45, 9 ; 259, 3 ; 
407, I, 2 ; 412, 2 ; 457, 6 ; 467, 5 ; »<»9, 9 ; "09O1 U ; io95i «. Orclli, 

1 86 The Emperor Hadrian [book i 

his memory quinquennial games, called Pialia, or Eusebia. 
The emperor seems to have been especially honoured after 
his death in this place. Greeks erected monuments in his 
honour there, in compliance with a decree of the Philhel- 

It has been observed that the busts of Hadrian show a 
foreign, not a Roman face, possessing neither the Latin 
beauty of the Julian family, nor the mild gravity of the 
features of Trajan. It is more finely cut, but it is neither 
sympathetic nor intellectual. Artificially curled hair hangs 
over a brow, which cannot be called thoughtful, and the 
short beard which was said to have been worn to conceal a 
blemish, is rather a disfigurement, than an ornament to the 
face. Hadrian is said to have let it grow to conceal some 
scars. This marble face does not convey the impression of 
all that was contained in the character of this strange man. 
He was a mass of contradictions, which no single portrait 
could display. For on the one hand, we find his delight 
in the intellect of Greece, and in Eastern sensuality, his 
enthusiastic love for art, his sophistical versatility, his sound 
judgment, his statesmanship, his humanity and generosity. 
But there is also the darker side of his capricious temper, his 
inordinate vanity, his love of irony and of trifles, and his 
gloomy mysticism. Who could hope to reconcile these 
conflicting traits in one portrait? We cannot see his bust 
without asking who the distinguished man is, so conscious of 
his own power, with the questioning glance and the light 
observant smile playing round his mouth. It must be the 
likeness of one who has been sovereign in some sphere of 
life, and has ruled over the spirits of his age. \ 

The emperor Julian, who knew how to draw the portraits 
of his predecessors with malicious wit, has summed up 
the character of Hadrian in his Olympic play of Tke 

414, 2376. Hadrianic sodales were still in existence in 193 a.d. 
From the death of Hadrian dates the third sodalitas of the emperor 
worship. Marquardt, A*. 5/. iiu 452. 

^ This appears from an inscription from the people of Cibyra, C,/,G, 
5852. Eusebeia in Puteoli, C/.G. 1068, 5810. C,/,A. iii. i, n. 129; 
LR.N,^ n. 104. Inscription from Puteoli from the year 142 a.d. : 


CHAP. XXV] His Character 187 

Caesars in the following sentences : " A man came forward 
with a long beard 4nd a haughty step, who was, among other 
things, very much devoted to music. He often looked up to 
the skies like one who meddled too much with forbidden 
arts. When Silenus saw him, he asked : * What do you 
think of this sophist ? is he looking for Antinous ? Some 
one should give him to understand that the youth is not 
here, and tell him to give up his foolish tricks.*"* This 
satirical opinion of Hadrian, coming from the mouth of a 
clever man, who himself was emperor at a time when the 
traditions of his predecessors still survived, is worthy of 
attention. Julian describes him as a friend of the Muses, as 
a sophist, a mystic and a lover of Antinous. 

Antinous is certainly one of the greatest mysteries con- 
nected with Hadrian. The marble figure of this youth, 
standing before us as Dionysus, casts a ghastly light upon 
his history. It is a key to his biography. But it is of little 
real assistance, even if like a torch it seems to illuminate 
dark recesses in the soul of the emperor. 

The nature of so uncommon a prince is a far more at- 
tractive study to the psychologist than the character of 
such criminal lunatics on the throne of the Caesars as 
Caligula, Nero, or Domitian. The misanthropic hermit 
Tiberius alone affords equal interest, as a foil to the rest- 
less uneasy Hadrian. 

The earliest biographers of the emperor are so much ^ 
embarrassed that they have only collected the most salient 
contrasts in his character. Of pessimism and despair they 
naturally remarked nothing in Hadrian ; that is only our 
modern view. Is it a just one ? Every line in the diary of 
Marcus Aurelius shows that this imperial philosopher held 
the world in melancholy contempt. But not in this fashion 
did the richly-endowed nature of Hadrian display itself. He 
ruled the empire like a noble Roman, with prudence and 
strength. He enjoyed life with the joy of the ancients. He 
travelled through the world, and found it worth the trouble. 
He " restored " it, and embellished it with new beauty. 

We certainly do not know what he thought of his whole 

* Julian, CaesareSy c. 9 : iroXwrpoYfiorJir rA dv^p^rifra. — mX raiwdn# ro^ 

1 88 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. i. ch. xxv 

life at the end of it. He might, indeed, perhaps have agreed 
with the estimate of Marcus Aurelius : ** All that belongs to 
the body is a stream, all that belongs to the soul a dream 
and a delusion ; life is a struggle and a wandering among 
strangers, and fame after death is forgetfulness." ^ 

Hadrian was lavish on a great scale, more than most 
sovereigns before and after him. And he must therefore 
have often experienced the ingratitude of mankind. ** How 
many burnings of Phaethon, how many deluges of Deucalion 
would not be required to punish the unfathomable wickedness 
of the world I " « 

As an older man, Hadrian assumes some of the character- 
istics of Timon of Athens. He hates and ruins his probably 
innocent friends together with his false friends, while he 
truly loves none. After the most painful struggle, he dies 
in the arms of Antoninus, taking farewell of his soul as it 
wings its flight into the unknown land with an ironical 
question, but a question without hatred, which breathes 
nothing but a pleasant recollection of this beautiful world. 

Many things are reflected from Hadrian's mind, in the 
spirit of his time, and in them lies his value to the human 

' Marc. Aurel. ii. 17 : i ^ filott wdXtfiot xal ^¥ov iwiSiyjda' 4 OffTtpo^fiia M, 

' n6aoc ^iBorrtt If, AcviraX/fawet UopU wp6t, oOrtat hwtfarrkc^ f^P^ ^oO fittv, 
Lucian, Timcn, 4. 




The Roman Empire 

This age, which has been called the happiest period of human 
history, produced so great an impression by its high state 
of culture and by the majesty of the Roman empire, that 
Greeks and Romans praised its splendour more eloquently 
than the philosophers of after days.* Even Pliny in his time, 
when he came to describe Italy, exclaimed with enthusiasm : 
•* I speak of a country which is the mother and nourisher of 
all countries, which the gods have chosen to unite divided 
kingdoms, to improve manners, to knit together the tongues 
of many rude nations in one common language, to teach 
culture and sociability to men, in short to be a fatherland to 
all the peoples of the world."* 

Aristides the Greek has extolled the magnificence of the 
empire no less enthusiastically than the Roman Pliny. His 
eulogy on Rome is a pompous flourish of courtly flattery, 
but it states facts and convictions, which themselves belong 
to the age. " The conquered," so said this celebrated orator 
of the time of Marcus Aurelius, " envy and do not hate their 
conqueror Rome. They have already forgotten that they 
were once independent, as they find themselves in the en- 
joyment of the blessings of peace, and share alike in all 
honours. The cities of the empire are resplendent with 
beauty and pleasure, and the whole world is adorned like 
a garden. Only the people who live outside the limits of 
the Roman dominion are to be pitied, if there are any such 

' Compare Gibbon i., c. 2, at the beginning. 
« Hist Nai. iii. d. 

192 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

people. The Romans have made the world a home for all. 
The Greek liHe the barbarian, can roam freely everywhere 
as if from fatherland to fatherland ; the passes of Cilicia, the 
deserts of Arabia, the hordes of barbarians have now no 
terrors for us; our safety lies in the fact that we are Romans. 
The Romans have made the saying of Homer, that the 
earth is common to all, an actual fact They have measured 
the whole inhabited world, have bridged rivers, have carried 
roads over mountains, have built cities in the desert, and 
have ruled the world by law and custom."^ 

Half a century after Aristides, TertuUian the African 
could speak of the Roman empire in the following terms: 
''The world is equipped with everything, it becomes daily 
more cultivated, it is richer in knowledge than in the past 
ages. Everything is accessible, everything is known, every- 
thing is full of activity. Beautiful estates now cover what 
once were frightful deserts, forests have been supplanted by 
fields of com, wild animals by flocks and herds. Com 
sprouts in the sand of the desert, rocks are made productive, 
marshes drained. There are as many cities now as there 
were formerly houses. Bare islands and rocks no longer 
inspire terror ; everywhere there is a dwelling, everywhere 
a people, everywhere government, everywhere life." The 
human race, this father of the Church goes on to say, is so 
numerous, that it already is a burden on the world. Like 
the Chinese, or like ourselves to-day, he is afraid of over- 
population for which Nature he thinks can no longer provide, 
and therefore he looks upon famine, pestilence, war, and 
earthquakes as necessary means of relief 

In the time of Hadrian the Roman empire extended from 
the Atlantic Ocean to the Euphrates, from Scotland to 
Mount Atlas and the cataracts of the Nile. It contained 
about ninety million people. We cannot consider it re- 
markable either for its population or for its extent, for 
the geographical dimensions of the Russian as well as of 
the British empire exceed those of the Roman. But the 

> Aristides' Encopnium Romae i., p. 348 sq. (Dindorf), with which com- 
pare the praise of Appian, Praef, c. 6. 

' Pro remedo deputanda, tanquam tonsura inolescentis generis humanL 
— TertuUian, Di Anima^ c. 3a 

CHAP. I] The Roman Empire 193 

Roman empire stood out prominently among all ancient 
and modern states, as comprising in itself the noblest people 
of civilization, the most beautiful countries, and the most 
famous cities of the world, and was therefore the historic 
centre of ancient life. The history of the peoples round the 
basin of the Mediterranean Sea was written in the creation of 
many forms of government, and the fact that these ancient 
countries were protected from the inroads of the barbarians 
enabled the Romans, in their insatiable desire for aggrandise- 
ment, to extend their borders. In ever-widening circles they 
absorbed in their empire the Germans, the Britons, the Slavs 
and the Arabs. 

The civilization of the empire was the sum total of the 
productions of antiquity in art as well as in science, both 
political and social. These creations belonged essentially to 
the three great groups of the nations of the world. The 
Semites indeed had disappeared politically with the downfall 
of their states in Asia and Africa, but a new religion had 
arisen out of Judaism, and this religion was beginning to 
spread through the empire. On the other hand the Romans 
and the Hellenes were the predominant nations of the civilized 
world, the former as rulers and law-givers, the latter as men 
of art and culture. The empire was divided, geographically, 
between the two nationalities, the East being Greek, the West 
Roman. At the same time both languages were in general 
use throughout the world, and were understood by every 
cultivated man, whether in Rome or on the Thames, on the 
Nile or on the Euphrates. 

The idea of the empire was based upon government, 
army, law, and culture, while it owed its political unity 
entirely to the central power of the emperor. For in spite 
of uniformity of government, the peoples of the empire were 
separated from one another by creed and language, custom 
and history. The Greeks of the East did not become 
Romanized like the Celts, the Dacians, and the Thracians of 
the West, who had merged themselves in the empire. The 
division of East and West was so natural and so historical, 
that sooner or later the Roman empire was bound to fall 
into these two parts. Even in the time of Hadrian, when 
Hellenism was the greatest intellectual force in the empire, 


194 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ck. i 

a reaction set in against it on the part of Latin learning. 
The epigram of Florus, the friend of the emperor, a poet from 
the completely Romanized Africa, is full of significance.^ 

While ancient Greece became a museum of antiquities, of 
whose treasures Pausanias, shortly after Hadrian, made a 
catalogue, a current of new intellectual life was constantly 
flowing from Hellenized Asia and Egypt towards Rome and 
the West Art, literature, philosophy, new religions came 
thence. But the Roman instinct of government was still 
powerful enough not only to curb these influences, but 
generally to prevent any hostility between West and East 
from their contrary tendencies. This was one of the greatest 
facts in Roman history. For the empire was put together so 
mechanically that any part could be added or taken away 
without materially changing its character. It was a federal 
state of many nations ; but it never possessed the charac- 
teristics of a modern monarchy like England and France. 
As an ancient organism the Roman empire, the great re- 
public of the civilized world, rested on the peculiarity and 
independence of its self-governing states and communities 
which maintained their privilege of autonomy even after they 
had been converted from free countries into provinces and 
districts of Rome. 

^ AnthoL /^/. ed., Mueller, i., n. 218: Give romano per orbem nemo 
vivit rectius. 


The Provinces of the Empire^ their Government and 
their Relation to the Central Power. The Peaceful 
Development of their Civilization. Slavery 

The relations of the countries conquered by Rome to the 
central fjovernment were established by Augustus in 27 B.C., 
when he divided all the provinces of the empire into 
imperial and senatorial provinces.^ In the last days of the 
republic seven of these were consular or military, and eight 
civil and praetorian. Those provinces which required no 
military force he handed over to the government of the 
senate. He himself kept all the others where stronger 
garrisons were needed, like the countries on the Rhine, the 
Danube, and the Euphrates. Under his successors the 
number of provinces was increased by conquest or by the 
division of larger territories, so that at the time of Hadrian's 
accession there were forty-five provinces, of which nine only 
belonged to the senate.* 

The military force of thirty legions, which protected the 
empire, was stationed on its frontiers. In the whole of Italy 
there were no troops. Gaul had only one garrison of 1 200 
men at Lyons {cohors I. Flavia urband) ; two legions, and 
afterwards one, protected Egypt. There was no soldier to 
be seen in any one of the five hundred cities of Asia.* The 
naval power of Rome was restricted to the fleets at Ravenna 
and Misenum, and to those on the Black and the North Sea, 

' Dion Cassius, liii. 12. Suetonius, Aux* c. 17 ; Eckbel, iv. 236. 

• Marquardt, R. St, i.', 489. 

' Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration^ p. 103. 

196 The Emperor Hadrian [bookh 

on the Danube and the Euphrates, and at a few other 
stations. 350,000 men, Roman citizens and auxiliaries, 
sufficed to maintain tranquillity in this vast empire, while 
to-day Europe alone groans under the burden of more than 
two million soldiers in time of peace. The small strength of 
the army causes us perhaps more astonishment than anything 
else in the Roman empire, and it also explains the number 
of public works, the prosperity of the richly-adorned cities, 
and the flourishing condition of trade. 

The emperor had therefore deprived the senate of military 
power, though it appeared as if he had magnanimously kept 
nothing for himself but burdens and dangers.^ As a matter 
of fact he had both " the provinces of the senate and the 
people" in his power, as all proconsuls and praetors were 
under his proconsular authority which embraced the whole 

The governors of the senatorial provinces were chosen 
annually by the senators from among the consuls and prae- 
tors. They generally bore the title of " Proconsul." In 
rank they took precedence of the imperial legates. They 
had ten or twelve lictors.* They were surrounded by a 
brilliant court, whose maintenance fell as a burden on the 
province. But they possessed no military power, not even 
the Jus gladii^ though they could pass sentence of life and 
death on the provincials. The last vestiges of that tyranny 
which the proconsuls exercised in the provinces in the days 
of the republic, might occasionally come to light under the 
emperors, but could no longer have the same terrible conse- 
quences. Nothing, however, gave greater weight to the 
monarchy than the undeniable fact that the imperial pro- 
vinces were the best governed and the least oppressed. 

Their governors {legati Angus ti pro praetore^ legati prae- 
torii) were chosen by the emperor himself, usually from con- 
suls or ex-praetors, sometimes indeed from former aediles 
and quaestors. Subject to his approval they remained a 

^ Dion Cassius, liii. 12. ' Dion Cassius, liii. 15. 

* Dion Cassius, liii. 13, 14. Eckhel, iv. 237. Asia and Africa were only 
governed by such proconsuls as had actually been consuls. On this account 
these countries were specially called proconsular, and their governors had 
twelve lictors. 

CHAP. II] Provincial Government 197 

shorter or longer time, but generally three years and more at 
their posts. Their rank was lower than that of the procon- 
suls ; they had only five lictors.* Their power was however 
greater, as their authority extended both over provincials 
and Roman citizens. They possessed the highest civil and 
military power in the province.* They gave judgment at 
their own residence, as well as in the courts. Legates of 
the legions and Legati juridici^ whom the emperor appointed, 
stood at their side.* As they were under the control of the 
emperor, and were obliged to execute his commands, they 
could no longer rule as despots themselves. The salary, 
which rose to two hundred thousand sesterces for imperial, 
and to a million sesterces for senatorial governors, was in- 
tended to protect the people from exactions. 

The exchequer was controlled by quaestors in the senatorial 
provinces, and by procurators in the imperial provinces. 
The emperor also sent procurators into the senatorial pro- 
vinces, where they raised taxes which flowed into the fiscus,* 
independently of the proconsul. They had jurisdiction and 
increased power only according to circumstances ; but 
Judaea, Mauretania, Thrace, and other smaller countries 
were governed by procurators, who had also the complete 
administration of the country. 

The financial ministers belonged either to the equestrian 
order, or they were freedmen of the emperor, and they did 
not always carry on so lucrative an office disinterestedly. 
Hadrian, who did not listen to any suggestions from his 
freedmen, punished guilty rulers with severity.* 

The provincial taxes consisted of the poll-tax {tributum 
capiiis\ a tax on property, and a land tax {yectigal\ from 
which every territory endowed * with Italian rights was 
exempt* The land-tax was paid chiefly in coin after 

' Mommscn, Bull, d. Inst, 1852, p. 172. 
•Savigny, Rom. Gerichtsverf, ii. 76 j^., 81 sq, 

' Marquardt, i.', 551 sq.^ and the paragraphs on this subject in 
Arnold, R. Prov. Administr, 

* Dion Cassius, liii. 15. Hoeck, Rom, Gesch, i. 2, 20a 

* Spart. c. 16 : Et circumiens quidem provincias procuratoreset praesides 
pro factis supplicio affecit 

* See the excellent description in Hoeck, i. 2, 204 sq,^ and Savigny, 
R, Steuerv, in Zeitschr. fiir gesch. Rechtswissensch, vi. 

198 The Emperor Hadrian [book 11 

Augustus had parcelled out the land. Then came the taxes 
that were farmed out, import and export duties, harbour 
rates, road and bridge tolls. The whole maintenance of the 
state, the military expenses, which amounted even in the 
time of Augustus to ;£^4, 5 00,000 sterling, the salaries of the 
officers in the provinces, the corn-distributions, the mainten- 
ance of roads, the mail service^ and the public buildings, were 
raised from the provinces. In this way more gold was taken 
out of them than was returned to them, while the crowd of 
Roman officials, the removal of their inhabitants to be 
soldiers in foreign countries, the use of the Latin tongue in 
judicial proceedings, all contributed to Romanize provinces 
which had no culture of their own. 

The income from the senatorial provinces was paid accord- 
ing to the arrangement of Augustus into the aerariuiTi, the 
public treasury ; the income from the imperial provinces into 
the fiscus, which the Procurator a rationibus managed as 
minister of finance. Both treasuries existed for a long time 
side by side. As late as Marcus Aurelius, the right of the 
senate to dispose of the aerarium was still acknowledged, 
and even in the third century proconsuls raised tribute from 
the senatorial provinces.^ But it was in the nature of the 
principate that the emperor should occasionally interfere with 
the financial matters of the senate, so that the importance of 
the aerarium disappeared. Hadrian established new officials, 
the Advocati fisci, who represented in the provinces the rights 
of the imperial treasury before the courts.^ In this way he 
obviated the embezzlement and usurpation of land belonging 
to the state. 

There were countries which the emperor claimed for 
himself, and which he governed by procurators. Egypt 
became the property of the house of Octavius after his 
victory over Antony.* The emperors sent viceroys there with 
the modest title of praefectus^ who ranked with the procur- 
ators of smaller provinces, like the Maritime and Cottian 

* On these matters consult O. Hirschfeld, Unters, iiber rbm, Verwal- 
tungsgesch, i., p. 1 1 sq. 

' Spart c. 20 : iisci advocatum primus instituit 

* E. Kuhn, Die stddi. und biirgerl. Ver/ass. des r'dm, Reichs^ ii. 80. 

CHAP. II] General Prosperity 199 

Alps, Raetia and Noricum, provinces which were also 

The deep shadows which the Roman empire cast upon 
the nations which it absorbed were the loss of their political 
independence, which, as time elapsed, robbed them even of 
the power of self-preservation, and the bureaucratic machin- 
ery of despotism, which completely crushed national life 
while the welfare of the subjugated people remained entirely 
dependent upon the pleasure of the sovereign. The end, 
after a hundred years of happiness under the rule of Nerva's 
adopted family, was the increasing power of the satraps, and 
the impoverishment and decay of the national spirit. In the 
second century, however, the evil was not so apparent, and 
the loss of freedom by countries that had once been great, 
but were now exhausted, was certainly compensated by the 
advantage of sharing in the general prosperity and well- 
established order of the monarchy. 

The movement of trade was more unrestricted than it has 
been ever since the fall of Rome. The same coinage had 
currency from the Pillars of Hercules to the Euphrates. The 
great system of high roads embraced the whole empire, and 
united all the provinces. The imperial post (cursus vehicu- 
larius ox publiais) had already been established by Augustus. 
It was, indeed, only used in exceptional circumstances for 
private business, and was generally employed for state 
purposes and for the emperor's use.* The emperor often 
abused his power, so that the imperial post became an 
oppressive burden to Italy and the provinces. This may be 
compared with the burdensome fodruvi of the Roman 
em|>crors in the Middle Ages, when they passed through 
Italy levying contributions on their journeys to Rome. 
Nerva first relieved Italy, and Septimius Severus the pro- 
vinces as well, from the obligation of maintaining the 
imperial post. But we are also told of Hadrian that he threw 

' Kuhn, ii. 83, 84. On Noricum, which was officially called a kingdom 
in the second century, see J. Jung, Romer und Romanen in den Danau- 
IMnderny p. 25. 

' Post diplomas, or free passes, were bestowed as favours, and were 
granted by Trajan and Hadrian to the sophist Polemon and his family. 
Philostr. (Kayser) ii., p. 44. 

TOO The Emperor Hadrian [booku 

it upon the fiscus of every province in the empire. No 
emperor could have a greater inducement to make this 
service effective than Hadrian, the great traveller. He 
appointed a chief of the post in Rome, under the title 
of praefectus vehiculorum} 

Communication by water was also made easier. It was a 
sail of seven days from Ostia to Gibraltar, ten to Alexandria.' 
The trade of the world was never more flourishing. The 
city of Rome alone showed it ; for in the markets there, were 
gathered the productions of all the three continents of the 
world, and ''all that seasons and climates, rivers and seas, 
the arts of Hellenes and barbarians produced was brought 
to Rome from every land and every sea."' The East sent 
its treasures, even those of the distant Indies, by Armenian 
merchants, to the Black Sea, to Dioscurias, and to' the 
Phasis> Goods from Babylonia, Persia, and India were all 
to be found in the markets of commercial cities like 
Ephesus, Smyrna, and Apamea. They came from the 
harbours of Arabia and the Red Sea, up the Nile to 
Alexandria. Myus Hormus sent fleets annually to India 
and Ceylon, which returned in January.^ 

The provinces had by this time renounced any individual 
power. Their national coherence was broken up, and they 
were artificially divided into communities and judicial dis- 

^ Spart. c. 7 : cursum fiscalem instituit, ne magistratus hoc onere 
gravarentur. E. Hudemann (GescA, des rtm. Poshvesens wdhrend der 
Kaiserzeity 1878, p. 22) rightly refers the magistratus to the municipal 
authorities (later Decuriones) in those places where postal stations were 
established. A list of praefecti vehiculorum will be found in Henzen, 
Annal. d. Inst.^ 1857, p. 95. Upon imperial postal affairs see Mommsen, 
R. St. ii., 2, p. 956. O. Hirschfeld, i. gS sg. H. Stephan, Das VerkehrS' 
Uben im Alterthum, 

* Pliny, H,N. xix. i. 

' Aristides, Encom, Rotnae (Dindorf), i. 326. 

* Pliny, H,N, vi. 19. Strabo, xi. 506. 

*For the Alexandrian, Indian, and Arabian commerce compare the 
Peripius Maris Erythraei^ erroneously attributed to Arrian, but probably 
composed in the time of Nero. September was the month in which trade 
was most brisk in the Arabian Gulf. The harbours are : Myus liormus, 
Adulis, Tapara, Malao, Mundi, Tabae, Opone, Muza, etc., as far as 

CHAP. II] Provincial Diets 201 

tricts. Their old leagues were abolished ; for whenever 
Rome made conquests, the senate lost no time in breaking 
up such confederations.^ The provinces, indeed, had the 
right of forming unions of the cities for general purposes, 
and of assembling deputies at a diet, which met yearly in 
the capital under the presidency of the high-priest {commune^ 
concilium, or koivov in the East), and though these provincial 
parliaments were allowed to make complaints about the 
governors, and send envoys to the emperor, they were not 
permitted to deliberate on the home affairs of the govern- 
ment. The object of their existence was to appoint the 
times for public sacrifices and games.* For the central 
point of provincial life was now the altar of the spirit of 
Rome and Augustus, or the temple of his deified successors. 
Tarraco was the first city to be permitted by Octavius to 
build an altar to him, and other provinces imitated the 
example of this servile flattery.' The provincial diets on 
the whole, therefore, only served to confirm the obedience 
of the provinces to the empire, which was surrounded with a 
halo of divinity. 

Roman rule was nevertheless a blessing to countries 
which were no longer capable of freedom. It protected 
them from civil wars, by which they had been lacerated, so 
long as they were split up into small states, full of jealousy 
and ambition. Plutarch said of Greece in his time : " Peace 
and quiet prevail here. There are no military expeditions, 
no more exiles and revolutions, neither despotisms nor other 
evils of the Hellenes."* He might certainly have added that 
there was no longer any creative political and intellectual 

' As already under Mummius in Greece. Pausanias, Achaica, vii. i6, 6. 

• Kuhn, Stddf. Verf. i. i ii sq, Marquardt, R. St. 503 sg,, 5 to sg., and 
in Ephem. Epigr. 1872, p. 200 sg. "die Zusammenstellung der Provinzial- 
concile." Arnold, Ronton System of Prov, Adm,, p. 202. The jrocyd in 
Asia, in Perrot, Rexf. Arch. 1874, " ^g, 

' Huebner, HermeSy i., 1866, p. ill, on the emperor-worship in Tarraco. 
This imperial worship, moreover, came from Asia ; under Augustus, 
Ephesus, Nicaca, Pergamum, and Nicoinedia were his privileged seats. 
Krausc, Ncokoroxy p. 12. 

* Plutarch, Moral, ii. 460 (Wittenbach). Cur Pythia nunc non reddat 

202 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

life in his country. For the republics in Hellas, like the 
later republics in Italy, became great in the arts of peace, 
amid the din of war and the noise of revolutions. But this 
flourishing age of the small aristocracies and democracies 
had gone by.^ The history of the world took the place of 
local interests, and city and clan were superseded by 
humanity. Pliny could praise " the infinite glory of Roman 
peace," which made the most distant countries and their 
productions the common property of all.^ Countries which, 
in the time of the republic, had been half laid waste, like 
Spain, Gaul and Africa, blossomed forth again under the 
blessings of peace. Asia and Syria experienced their last 
happy age. Whole districts in Asia were rescued from a 
nomad existence by the Romans, and the Saracens were the 
first to re-introduce the savage conditions of Bedawin life* 

The advantage of the peaceful development of the pro- 
vinces, under a just government, is therefore not to be 
undervalued, and the fact remains which Aristides, and after 
him Gibbon, asserted, that the allegiance of the world to 
Rome was a willing allegiance. Only among the barbarians 
on the borders of the empire did the spirit of freedom which 
had been banished from the ancient states of civilization sur- 
vive. On this account Tacitus looked sorrowfully upon the 
Germans. It must have been the endeavour even of the 
most civilized people whom the Romans subjugated by force 
of arms, to conform to the world-wide organization of the 
empire, and draw fresh vitality from it. They resigned 
themselves to their lot, the more readily as, in most cases, 
their national religion and constitution were respected by 
the wise maxims of the imperial government. They had 
renounced all opposition to the Roman dominion, or their 
struggle merely consisted in the endeavour to make them- 
selves equal to the Romans in all political and civil rights. 
Even the provinces of the West already emulated Rome 
in their civilization, and in their profusion of native talent. 
They enriched Roman literature with brilliant names in 
every branch of knowledge, even in jurisprudence. Spain, 
Gaul, Africa, Illyricum gave in time great generals, and even 

> Pliny, i/ist. Nat. xxvii. i : immensa romanae pacis majestas. 
' Renan, Mission en PfUnicie^ p. 837. 

CHAP. II] Extension of Privileges 203 

emperors, to Rome. Rome civilized the West, and com- 
pleted the work of Alexander the Great in the East. 

By degrees the monarchy destroyed the legal barriers 
between the subject countries and the imperial city. Mae- 
cenas had already advised Octavius to grant the same laws 
and rights to the provinces, and to impose equal taxes on 
all citizens. Thus at the first dawn of the monarchy, the 
equality of all nations was declared to be its object. The 
emperors bestowed Latin and Roman privileges, not only 
upon cities but upon countries. The Jus Latinum was con- 
ferred on the whole of Spain by Vespasian ; Hadrian gave 
it to the province of Narbonensis, and he bestowed citizen- 
ship upon the whole of Upper Pannonia.^ If in this he 
appeared only to follow the example of his predecessor, no 
emperor before him did so much to facilitate the attainment 
by the provincials in general of a legal standing in the 
empire, by giving them equal rights with Rome.* The title 
"Multiplier of citizens" (^Avipliator Ctviuvi), first found on 
a medal of Antoninus, would certainly have applied to him.' 
Admission to citizenship was indeed chiefly a financial ven- 
ture, yet social conditions made it necessary, and the time 
was at hand when Caracalla removed the last legal dis- 
tinctions in the empire. The great cosmopolitan principle 
of Rome might truly have been called a sublime conclusion 
to ancient history, if it had been really humane, and if it had 
combined the rights of humanity with the rights of citizens. 
But this was only hinted at theoretically by the Stoics, by 
Seneca, Kpictctus, and Marcus Aurelius. The civil com- 
munity and the whole economy of the state continued to 
rest upon slavery, the most barbarous and the most fatal 
institution of antiquity, and even the famous revival of trade 
in the age of the Antonines, was essentially the work of 
slaves. The idea of free labour as the highest expression 
of energy and strength and the source of all wealth in 
national economy, had not yet been discovered by any 

> Zumpt, Cotnm. Ef. i. 410 ; Mominsen, C.I.L, iii. 496, 498. 
* Finlay, History of Greece from its Conquest by the Romans^ p. 55. 
•s.P.Q.R.AMPLiATORi civiUM ; Frochncf, Midaillons de r Empire 
Romaifty p. 61. 

204 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

statesman. Work generally was still the forced labour of 

Slavery was the only basis for the independence of the 
ruling class. There was so great a force centred in the 
slaves that a suspension of their labour, if this could have 
occurred in the modem form of combination, would have 
made the existence of society impossible. The number of 
these unhappy creatures amounted to about a third of the 
population of the Roman empire. In a remarkable letter to 
the senate, Tiberius expresses his opinion on this vast num- 
ber of slaves. He called them nations, and pointed to them 
and the latifundia as the ruin of the state.^ lie despaired 
of curing this terrible evil. Happily causes were at work 
which diminished slavery. Its main source had been wars 
of conquest, and when these ceased, slavery declined. ' It 
was daily becoming more unusual to see the inhabitants of 
cities sold sub hasta or corona as spoils of war on the high 
roads. But that it was still possible is shown by the fate 
of the Jews after the fall of Bether, under Hadrian. The 
more slavery diminished the better became the lot of the free 
husbandmen and labourers ; and the emperors endeavoured 
to improve their condition.^ 

Another cause of the diminution of slavery was the eman- 
cipation of the slaves. This had increased to such an extent 
since the civil war, that it was feared that the Roman 
citizens would be completely ruined by the admission of so 
many former slaves. For only a few among them could be 
men of character; long servitude must rather have destroyed 
their self-respect. Emancipation became finally a kind of 
luxury in Rome, for every great man boasted as much of the 
number of slaves whom he owned as of the freedmen who 
composed his court. Augustus had endeavoured to limit 
emancipation by the Lex Aelia Sentia and Furia Cantnia, and 

^ Tacitus, Ann, iii., c. 53 : quid enim primum prohibere et priscum ad 
morem recidere aggrediar? villarumne infinita spatia? familiarum nu- 
merum et nationes ? 

* Jung, Bevolkerungsverhdltnisse des rom, Reichs^ Weiner^ Stud.^ 1879, 
p. 195. On the rise of free labour since the second century see Wallon, 
Hist, de PEsclavage^ iii., c. 3. 

CHAP. II] Libertini 205 

Tiberius by the Lex Junta Norbana had granted only a 
restricted Latin right to those slaves who were pronounced 
free without undei^oing a formal ceremony. But all classes 
of society were soon full of libertini ; they took possession of 
the court and the government, and as favourites and officers 
of the emperor's palace, they tyrannized over Rome and the 


Cities^ Municipia, Colonies 

Apart from its division into political and ethnographical 
provinces, the empire presented a system of autonomous 
cities. The independence of the communities so long as it 
lasted, gave the Roman empire an imposing civic character, 
and contributed to the happiness of the age. Even after 
the fall of Rome ihe vestiges of municipal government 
afforded material for building up new states. 

The Greek East, which, since its conquest by the Turks, 
displays merely the ruins of antiquity in its desolate regions 
and on its marshy coasts, was covered in the second century 
with cities and emporiums of commerce from the Black to 
the Red Sea. The same conditions prevailed in the north 
of Africa. Even under the Ptolemies, Egypt had not been 
so rich. In the West, Spain especially had many flourishing 
cities ; Ptolemy counted 428. But Italy, rich in cities, had 
never quite recovered from the civil wars. Her communities 
could no longer vie with those of Africa, Gaul, and Spain, 
and not until long after the fall of the Roman empire had 
Italy a brilliant period of city life, of which Rome had 
laid the foundation.^ 

The whole constitution of the empire rested upon the 
municipal system. To such an extent was the freedom of 
the community the political idea of antiquity, that the whole 
inner history of the empire is nothing but the development 
of this conception with which Rome first started. Every 

^ Milan was probably the largest city in Italy at this time, and more 
prosperous than Turin : Hadrian made it a colony. Zumpt, Comm,^ 
Ep. I 408. The Greek city of Naples was also flourishing. 

BK. II. CH. Ill] Municipal Government 207 

degree of municipal freedom was represented in the empire 
according to the historical origin of the communities, and 
their legal relation to Rome itself — dependent and tribute- 
paying cities without any privileges, others with Latin and 
Italian rights, and finally free, autonomous communities. 
These differences weakened the feeling of national union 
among the countries which Rome had conquered. As in 
time of old, their patriotism became restricted within the 
walls of the city. Finally the municipal and colonial rights 
of Rome forced their way into the civic system of foreign 
countries. So it was easy for the emperors to allow the 
historical forms of the republican age to exist, and even to 
pass as protectors of their freedom. 

While the vassal states — the ethnarchs, tetrarchs, and 
toparchs — were disappearing everywhere, the idea of free 
communities, united indeed with Rome, was still maintained.^ 
They were relics of the ancient Greek polity, and even 
imperial Rome respected for several centuries its self- 
government by senate and people, its magistracy, its 
priesthood, its national festivals, its electoral assemblies and 
commercial laws. The toleration of the historical rights of 
free communities constitutes something really great, even 
though this conservative principle of Rome was dictated by 
necessity. For the conquered cities had to be spared and 
propitiated, and in allowing their own constitution to remain, 
'endless trouble in governing them was spared to Rome.' 
As a matter of fact many free cities had never had equal 
powers of autonomy before. According to the law of Caesar 
they remained independent of the military and civil power 
of the provincial governor, and were free from garrisons and 
from having soldiers quartered upon them. They had the 
right to own property, and the privilege of coining, which 
the cities of the Greek Orient especially never lost Only 
on emergency had they to furnish auxiliaries to the Roman 
legions. Cities with these high privileges were to be 
found chiefly in the countries of Greek civilization — e,g, 
Athens, Ephesus, Cyzicus, Sardis, Antioch, Laodicea, Byzan- 

* Eckhel, iv. 262. Marquardt, R, St \,\ 71 sq, Kuhn, SUidi, Verf. 
11. 14 sq. 
"Arnold, Ram, System ef Prcv. Admin,^ p. 33. 

2o8 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

tium, Troas, Samosata, or Amisus, Tarsus, Caesaraea, Tripoli 
and Tyre in Phoenicia, Seieucia and Massiiia, Utica, Had- 
rumetum, and five others in Africa. Titles of honour, such 
as Urbs sacra and Metropolis were lavished upon them.* 
According to the favour or displeasure of the emperor, 
privileges were conferred or withdrawn as the examples of 
Rhodes, Cyzicus, Laodicea, and Antioch prove. 

There was in general another side to the good fortune of 
the cities ; for they preserved their autonomy only at the 
pleasure of the emperor. This is already shown by the title 
Libertas^ which according to circumstances was a relicta or 
concessa^ an adempta or redeinpta or restituta} In conse- 
quence of the decay of civic energy and of financial diffi- 
culties, the free cities were obliged to admit imperial officials, 
correctors and curators, who regulated their money matters 
and their constitution, and ventured to encroach upon their 

The Roman colonies too, were privileged communities. 
As settlements of the veterans, they originally formed strong 
stations for the Roman power in the conquered countries of 
the barbarians. These colonies were composed of the inhabi- 
tants themselves, ancient cities being rebuilt, or new cities 
founded by command of the emperor. Augustus established 
a number of colonies in different countries.^ His successors 
did the same, and the colonies, in consequence, bore their 
names.^ Hadrian founded several new cities, and bestowed 

^ For the metropolis, see Eckhel, iv. 273 sq, Marquardt, R. St i. 

' Augustus already had deprived cities of their freedom : urbium quas- 
dam, foederatas — libertate privavit — Suetonius, Aug, c. 47. 

* Pliny, Ep, viii. 24. A curator reipub, Cotnensis (Orein, 3898) appointed 
by Hadrian ; even a curator appointed by Hadrian of the public works 
in Venusia 4006, of the baths in lieneventum, 3264 ; imperial curatores 
calendarii publici (officers of finance), in the municipalities (Henzen, 
Annali. d. Inst. 185 1, 15) ; appointed by Hadrian in Canusium (Mommsen, 
LR.N,^ n. i486). In the Greek cities the imperial officers of inspection 
were called iiopBioHit and XoyMn^. Marquardt, R. St. i.', 85. Kuhn, 
Stddt, Verf. ii. 24. 

* Eckhel, iv. 467 sq. 

* Julia, Augusta, Claudia, Flavia, Trajana, Ulpia, Aelia, Hadriana, etc, 
to which often the designation Felix was added. Spanheim, De Pretest 
et Usu Num. ix, 766 sq. 

CHAP. Ill] Municipia and Colonies 209 

the colonial right upon many ancient cities.^ This right, 
which was often given to communities which contained no 
colony, secured them self-government, with a senate and 
communal officials {Duumviri and Aediles), The community 
might choose these magistrates, and pass resolutions. But 
as in Rome, under Tiberius, all elections were made by the 
senate, so in the colonies they devolved upon the city 
senate {Curia), The curiales chose the magistrates from 
among themselves.- Seats in the senate were hereditary, 
and were filled up by election. The colonies generally 
possessed Italian rights and citizenship ; they differed there- 
fore from the municipalities, whose life as a community was 
less restricted. 

Gellius has explained the difference between the colony 
and the municipium, by showing that the municipium had its 
own laws, and was not compelled to adopt the Roman law, 
against its wish.' Hadrian once delivered a speech to the 
senate, in which he set forth clearly these distinctions ; * 
the occasion being that the municipia of Italica and Utica 
wished to participate in the colonial rights. Tiberius, on 
the other hand, had complied with the wish of the city 
Praeneste to be converted into a municipium from a 
colonia, in order that it might keep its native rights. On 
the whole, the condition of the colonies in the time of the 
emperors was privileged and desirable, because, as Gellius 
says, they were imitations of the greatness of Rome, and 
with less freedom, they had fewer obligations. But the 
real object of the demand of these two municipia was the 
acquisition of the Italian right, which was granted to the 
colonies.* By this right the colonists could be quiritary 
owners of land {commercium). They also gained freedom 
from land-tax, and the right of self-government with muni- 

M have pointed this out in the respective provinces. See in general, 
Zumpt, Comm, Ep. i., c. 6. 

* Savigny, Gesch, des rom.y Rechts im MitteUUter^ i., c. 3. In Africa 
so he remarks, the elections were not made as in other cities, by the 
deoiriones alone, but by the whole people. 

* Gellius, NocL Att xvt., c 13. 
« Gellius, Ibid. 

* Puchta, Imtitut i.', 1 95, p. 243. 


2IO The Emperor Hadrian [bk. n. ch. m 

cipal magistrates. The colonies, like the municipia, paid a 
tax according to the Roman census, but the inhabitants of 
the municipia differed from those of the colonies, in that 
they were not Roman citizens. By degrees these two kinds 
of communities became more alike.^ 

The Latin right, too, the jus Latii, was bestowed, not only 
upon magistrates, but upon whole provincial cities, which 
thus occupied an intermediate position between per^rini and 
Roman citizens. Hadrian bestowed Latin rights upon many 

^ On the general conditions of municipia and colonies. — Arnold 
p. 216 s^. 
' Span, c 21 : Latium multis civitatibus dedit 


Italy and Rome 

Italy stood at first in the same dependent relation to Rome, 
as the provinces themselves stood to Italy. Only after the 
most bloody wars were the Italian cities admitted into the 
league of Roman citizens by the Lex Julia and Plautia 
Papiria (in 90 B.C. and 89 I3.c). Augustus had en- 
deavoured to remedy the decay of prosperity and the 
depopulation of the country by establishing twenty-eight 
colonies, and by dividing all. Italy into eleven regions. The 
fundamental character of Italy was the free constitution of 
the cities.* The people and the senate were the political 
elements in her municipalities and colonies. The highest 
office, which, h'ke that of consul, lasted for a year, was filled 
by a Duumvir or Quatuorvir, He presided over the civil and 
criminal courts, but the condemned man might appeal to the 
comitia ; and later, after Hadrian had altered the laws of the 
Italian cities, to the imperial officials. The emperor himself 
sometimes filled the office of city magistrate.' Thus Hadrian 
became demarch in Naples, quinquennalis in Hadria, dictator, 
aedile and duumvir in the cities of Latium, and praetor in 

By degrees the monarchy absorbed the independence of 
the Italian communities, which Caesar had guaranteed by 
the Lex Julia municipalise the emperor usurping the power 

' Savigfiy, R, Gerichtnterf, ii. 16 sq, 

' The Popes did the same thing in the Middle Ages, by allowing them- 
selves to be elected as podestas in the cities of the Church states. 
• Spart c. 19. 

212 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

over them. Hadrian, indeed, changed the entire position of 
the Italian cities, as he put this privileged mother-country of 
Rome on the same footing with the provinces, for he divided 
Italy into four districts, and committed the administration of 
justice, of which the city magistrates were deprived, to four 
consulars. An exception was made for the district around 
Rome, which remained as before under the jurisdiction of 
the praetor urbanus.^ Marcus Aurelius increased these four 
districts of Hadrian, replacing the consuls by juridici of 
praetorian rank.' By this means the jurisdiction of the 
cities was curtailed, and became eventually, as in the pro- 
vinces, subordinate to the governors, without any material 
change being made in the traditional municipal constitution. 
After the time of Nerva, imperial curators controlled the 
municipal treasuries.^ 

Rome too suffered a similar fate, for already under 
Augustus her great political life ceased. Monarchy had been 
substituted for popular rights ; for though in appearance 
power was divided between the senate and the princeps, in 
reality it was centralized in the hands of a single sovereign. 
The perpetual outpouring of the energy of Rome into the 
world had exhausted the civic life of the capital, and the 
influx from the provinces had renewed and changed its 
population. It was Roman because it inhabited the city, 
but, as representing so many nations, languages and religions, 
it formed one complete picture of the empire. The majesty 
of the city was reflected in all the other cities of the empire, 
and the dead forms of the republican past were still the 
patterns of the law which Rome gave to the world. When 
the emperor bestowed civic rights upon the cities in the 
empire, they were always allotted to one of the tribes of 
Rome.^ The tribes, so wrote Ammianus Marcellinus in the 

. ^ Spart c 22. JuL Capitolinus, Anton, Pius^ c. 2. Appian, Hisi. Rom,^ 

'Jul Capitolinus, Af. Antanin.phiL^ c. 11. Orelli, 1178, 3143. Gruter, 

1090, 13. 

' Kuhn, ii. 29, 217. 

* The emperors had new citizens and cities endowed with the civitas 
enrolled in the tribes to which they themselves belonged, e,g, the Flavian 
emperors in the Quirina, Trajan in the Papiria, Hadrian in the Sergia. — 
Kubitschek, De romanar. tribuum orig, ei profiagat^ p. 78. 

CHAP. IV] Rome 213 

third century, have long been idle, the centuries have gone 
to sleep, and the election contests have ceased, but through- 
out the world Rome is looked upon as mistress and sovereign, 
and the name of the Roman people is honoured.^ 

The city of Rome, as the seat of the emperor, was still the 
centre of all the governing forces of the empire, the reposi- 
tory and the market for all the creations of culture. The ^ 
number of its inhabitants reached its highest figure under 
Hadrian and the Antonines, but it can only be approximately 
stated at one and a half million.^ If we deduct the pere- 
grin! and the slaves who composed more than a third part 
of the population, there remain the three classes of Roman 
citizens — populace, equites and senators. As the two latter 
ranks held both the offices of state and the land, and as the 
means of industry for the citizens had been diminished by 
slave labour, a large part of the city population sank into the 
ignominious condition of a state-aided proletariate. Caesar 
had reduced the number who received com to 150,000^ 
but it rose again still higher.* 

Like every other emperor, Hadrian gratified the Roman 
populace with doles of bread and with games. He was 
certainly not so lavish of public amusements as Caligula and 
Domitian, or as Trajan in the intoxication of victory, but he 
now and then gave 100 and even 1000 wild beasts to be 
hunted. At the games he thr^w the usual presents to the 
people. In honour of Trajan he ordered as indeed was 
customary, that balm and saffron should flow down the steps 
of the theatre. To Matidia and Plotina he gave magnificent 
funeral rites. He liked spectacles of all kinds, and gladia- 

' Amm. Marcell. xiv. 477. 

' Friedlaender (i. 51) admits that the population of Rome, according to 
present data, can only be hypothetically determined. — Pietro Castiglioni 
{Delia papolatione di Roma^ Manofrraf, della citta di Roma^ 1 878, ii. 
251) assumes that under Claudius there were about 950,000 free men, and 
about 350,000 slaves. 

'Under Augustus 210,000, under Septimius Sevenis 160,000 citixens 
and 40,000 praetorians. The most important concern therefore of the 
city was its provisioning by the corn-fleets from Africa, Egypt, Sicily, 
Sardinia, and Gaul. The praefectus annonae was one of the most in- 
fluential officials in the empire. — O. Hirschfeld, Die Getreide VerwcUiung 
in der ront, Kaisemeit. (PhiloL xxix.). 

214 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

torial combats. He never banished a hunter or an actor 
from Rome, and where was there an important city to be 
found in which he did not establish festival games ? No 
emperor founded or renewed so many in the course of his 
life. The Olympian games which he permitted cities in 
Greece and Asia to celebrate are a proof of this. As 
these games were connected with the worship of his own 
personal divinity, they are at the same time the strongest 
witness to Hadrian's boundless vanity. Such Olympian 
games were never celebrated in Rome. 

Hadrian treated the Roman people in the same way as 
Trajan, and of him Fronto said : " I consider it good policy 
that the prince did not neglect the theatre or the circus and 
arena, as he well knew that there are two things which the 
Romans applaud especially — the distribution of corn, and 
games. The neglect of the important thing causes great harm, 
of the frivolous thing greater hatred, the crowd hungering 
more for games than for bread, because by the gift to the 
people (congiarium) those only who are authorized to receive 
the com will be gratified, while by the games the whole popu- 
lation is pacified."^ This opinion brings to mind the words 
spoken by a pantomime actor to Augustus : ** Know, Caesar, 
that it is a very great thing for you if the people are 
occupied with me and with Bathyllus." It has been shown 
how Hadrian sought to win over the army by unusual gifts, 
and the nation in general by the great remission of debts. 
He improved the charitable institutions of Nerva and Trajan 
for boys and girls, by ordering that the boys should be 
provided for until they were eighteen, the girls until they 
were fourteen years of age.* 

The liberality which makes such a display on the imperial 
coins was only too often the disguised handmaid of des- 
potism, and was always an evidence of the unequal distribu- 

* Fronto, Prim, Hist,^ p. 249, cd., Nicbuhr. 

'Digest, xxxiv. i, 14. The date of this decree is uncertain. Kprae- 
fectus aliment, connected with the repair of the roads for the first time 
under Hadrian. C,I,L, ii. 4510 sq. These praefects rank as public 
magistrates, probably first under Commodus. — Hirschfeld, Unters. auf 
dem Gebiet der rom, Verwalt. i. 114 sq. For these institutions, see 
Henzen, Tab, aliment, Baeb^ in Annal,d, Inst,^ 1845. 

CHAP. IV] Imperial Liberality 215 

tion of earthly things. She would have been the first to be 
banished from Plato's republic. If these remedies, however, 
which the best of the Roman emperors employed to 
mitigate public misery could not cure it, they at all events 
displayed a feeling of humanity growing with the growth of 
knowledge, and were an evidence that the sovereign felt it 
a duty to attempt to diminish the sufTerings of mankind. 


The Equestrian Order. The Senate and the Princeps. 

The Imperial Cabinet 

The two privileged classes in Rome were the knights and 
the senators, and they too had lost their importance in the 

The Roman equites had originally been a part of the 
army, subsequently the lower aristocracy of Rome, the 
middle class between the highest aristocracy and the people. 
After the law passed by C. Sempronius Gracchus they 
formed an order of rank {prdo equester\ including persons 
capable of filling the office of a judge, capitalists and 
farmers of the public revenue. The equestrian order sank 
so low under the empire that it was only coveted for 
its outward marks of distinction, and for the opportunity 
it afforded of acquiring wealth. Even in Caesar's time the 
knights were subject to the indignity of appearing on the 
stage either voluntarily or for money. The Roman knight 
Liberius, who was compelled to recite a play that he had 
composed, complained, in the prologue, of the insult that 
had been offered to him.^ 

Augustus had in vain attempted to purify the equestrian 
order from base elements. He wished to make it a school 
in which the sons of the better classes could be educated to 
become officers and to fill curule and imperial posts. And 

* Macrobius, ScUumal. ii., c 7 : 

Necessitas, cujus cursus transversi impetum 
Voluerunt multi effugere pauci potuerunt. 
Quo me detraxit paene extemis sensibus ? . . . 

BK. II. cH. v] The Equites 217 

on this very account the equestrian order was over- 

Entrance was obtained surreptitiously by bribery and 
favour ; the legal qualification of 400,000 sesterces (about 
^3300) was not maintained. The revival of the law did 
not avail to uphold the knightly dignity. For the emperors 
themselves bestowed it upon freedmen according to their 
caprice, so that the sons of gladiators and panders wore the 
golden ring which was d^raded into a token merely of 
successful cunning.^ Knights appeared continually as actors 
and gladiators. In the time of Nero they composed the 
imperial claque as followers of Augustus. 

The better emperors always reverted to the principles of 
Augustus, and endeavoured to uphold Rome's high position, 
though the spirit of monarchy itself aimed at the destruction 
of all corporate bodies in order to replace them by the 
different ranks of officials. The equestrian citizens endowed 
with the horse of state were again to be a privil^ed cor- 
porate body, from which the higher class of officials was to 
be chosen. Alexander Severus never permitted freedmen to 
be raised to the equestrian order, as it was to be the school 
for senators.* It was Hadrian who did away with the in- 
fluential position of the freedmen at court, and opened a new 
career to the equites by choosing most of his officers from 
among them. He made knights, procurators of the (iscus 
and of the imperial estates, of the mint, of the imperial 
post, of the mines, of the aqueducts, and of the com market 
It was chiefly the knights whom he chose to be his "friends" 
and "attendants" or secretaries, and they also composed 
his privy council.' 

The senate, oppressed by the monarchy, had fallen so low 
that the ambassadors of Pyrrhus would no longer have recog- 
nized in it an assembly of kings, but of king's servants. The 

' Friedlacndcr, ii. 250. 

' Ael. Lampridius, Alex, Sev,^ c. 19: seminarium senatorum equestrem 
locum esse. 

•Spart. c. 22. O. Hirschfcid, Uniersuch, i. 30 f^., 114 j^., 169. The 
prefecture of the annona wa$, from Augustus to Constantine, one of the 
highest equestrian offices, and the next step was the prefecture of Egypt 
— O. Hirschfeld, Die Getreide Verwaltung^ p. 46. 

2i8 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

most important of the ruling and lawgiving corporations in 
Rome continued to exist only as a political idea, everv though 
the greatness of the Roman people was founded upon it 
For the senate had the right to choose the sovereign ; it 
confirmed the emperors as often as the army raised them to 
the throne ; it acquiesced in their adoption, and granted 
them the highest titles of honour. It could legally depose 
them, or it could refuse them consecration after their death. 
The emperor was therefore legally only the chief of the 
senate, the first among his peers. 

When Octavius laid down his extraordinary powers in 
27 B.C., and received the title of Augustus, he acknowledged 
the continuance of the rights of the senate with whom he 
legally shared his power. He himself was only to be the 
highest official of the sovereign people, not their irresponsible 
ruler.^ The tendency afterwards was to deprive the old 
corporation of the empire of its constitutional character and to 
develop absolute power. Augustus purified the senate ; he 
fixed its number at 600 members, who were endowed 
with the necessary wealth (1,200,000 sesterces, about 
£10^006). The dignity of the senate seemed consequently 
to be restored; but, as its law-giving power was controlled by 
the executive, it had lost its independence.^ The Caesars 
succeeded in doing away with the dualism of sovereign and 
senate by an incessant struggle which lasted for two hundred 
years. Tiberius increased the independence of the senate in 
order, through it, to dominate the people. He deprived the 
people of the right of making laws and of electing magis- 
trates, and gave this right to the senate. The senate was 
the tribunal for high treason, and the highest civil court of 
appeal. It confirmed all appointments, dignities and laws, 
in short every administrative act ; that is to say, the emperor 
made his own will law through the apparent wishes of the 
senate. Tiberius thoroughly despised its slavish spirit, and 
Tacitus has shown what a miserable instrument of tyranny 
it became. 

Caligula gave the right of election and legislation to the 
comitia, but restored it to the senate as the people did not 

^ Mommsen, H, Siaatsr, ii.', 709 sq, 
* Gibbon, c. 2. 

CHAP, v] The Senate 219 

know how to use their newly-acquired power. After the 
murder of this lunatic, the wild idea occurred to the senators 
of restoring the republic, but the guard set Claudius on the 
throne. The third and most formidable power in the state, 
the army, now came to the front, threatening to convert 
Rome into a lawless military despotism. To hinder this, and 
to maintain an even balance between the three powers, was 
henceforth the most arduous task for the Roman government, 
and it was almost accomplished by the extraordinary system 
of law and administration which the monarchy adopted. 
From Claudius, however, to the Flavian dynasty the prae- 
torian guard was of more importance than the senate, which 
had sunk into a mere council of 200 members. 

Vespasian, who had risen from the plebeian class, stood 
in need of the support of the senate to enhance his 
authority. The monarchical party in the senate reduced the 
republican party to silence, and the famous Lex de Imperio 
decided in favour of the principate, making over to it again 
all the power, which, during the republic, the people and the 
senate, and afterwards Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius, 
had possessed. No one ever ventured to attempt to limit 
the absolute power of the prince in the smallest d^ree 
by establishing the right of the nation. The Lex Regia was 
a declaration by the Roman people of their incapacity ever to 
be free again. Nevertheless it increased the importance of 
the senate by an act of authority, which the Flavians acknow- 
ledged. Many centuries afterwards the last of the Roman 
tribunes, Cola di Rienzi, could derive from this state decree, 
which he misunderstood, the inalienable rights of the Roman 
people. Vespasian increased the number of the senate to 
1000 members, admitting men from every province, and 
in future no province, except Egypt, was refused admission. 
Moreover, after the reign of Domitian, the emperors simply 
appointed the senators. 

The best of the emperors always maintained the honour 
and importance of the senate, because they recognized that 
its dissolution would deprive the monarchy of its only con- 
stitutional foundation. At their accession they made an 
agreement with the senate, as the Popes used to do later on 
with the college of cardinals. They looked upon it as a 

220 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

particular corporation of the state, in which, theoretically, the 
sovereignty over the people was vested ; but this corporation 
became itself the instrument of their own sole power. 

We may remember with what respect Hadrian treated 
the senate. He excused himself for having assumed the 
purple without its knowledge, begged for its ratification, and 
admitted that he was only the instrument to execute the 
senate's orders, promising to hold them always sacred. He 
did nothing important afterwards without it.^ He restored 
its dignity by making the entrance into the curia more 
difiicult He was anxious about the income suitable to the 
senators' rank, and in order to maintain their position he 
revived the law that no senator should be engaged in trade, 
or* should farm taxes.^ He would not permit senators to be 
tried by the equestrian order ; they must be tried by their 
equals. He admitted the most distinguished senators into 
the circle of his friends, and often bestowed the consular 
dignity upon them. For the consulate had already been 
reduced to the duration of two months, so that annually 
twelve and more consuls were appointed of inferior rank to 
the two consuls who gave their name to the year.* The 
senate repaid the emperor's favour by complete submission. 
This union of both powers is commemorated by coins ; on 
one medal Rome stands between a senator and Hadrian, 
reaching out her hand to the emperor.^ Libertas publica 
indeed makes a show with sceptre and Phrygian cap on 
a coin of Hadrian, like the theatrical figure which she has 
so often been in the world.^ 

Thus the separation which Augustus had effected between 
the jurisdiction of the princeps and the senate was main- 
tained, for the senate still filled the proconsular offices in its 

*Spart c. 8. 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. i6. 

' Under Commodus there were as many as 25 consuls in one year. — 
Dion Cassius, Ixxii. 12. 

* Cohen, ii. 172. A famous medal of Hadrian commemorates the con^ 
gratulations of the senate at new year, hadrianus AUG . s . P . Q . R. — 
AN . F . F . HADRIANO AUG .P.P. Froehner, Les Midaillons de r Empire 
Romain^ p. 42. 

^ Cohen, ii. 316. 

CHAP, v] The Principate 


provinces, diminished though they were in plumber, while the 
command of the legions was generally given in turn to men 
or senatorial rank. But as a balance of power had not been 
created by an imperial constitution, the sovereign remained 
unfettered. Rome was, according to her own idea, re- 
publican even under the emperors, and the ruler invested 
with power by the senate was only her chief magistrate^ 
though at the same time an absolute despot, whose imperium 
was not founded on the law of heredity, nor upon any 
legal basis, and who was therefore only a lawful sovereign 
by usurpation.^ He had absorbed in his own person all the 
republican powers of the people, and these were not conveyed 
to Octavius by a Lex Regta^ but he had acquired them 
gradually with the help of his friends in the senate. 

The proconsular power for life was the basis of the 
imperium, for it gave Augustus and his successors the supreme 
military command and the highest judicial authority over 
the governors in the provinces, while the tribunate gave to 
the sovereign the rights appertaining to the people, and the 
consular power which he held or not, as he pleased, raised 
him above all other magistrates. The old republican priest- 
hood of the Pontifex Maximus made the emperor also the 
head of the state religion. 

Imperialism, with its greed for power, continually urged 
the Roman state towards Byzantinism. The emperor 
monopolised the whole administration. He had also the 
right of coinage, for the senate was only permitted to 
issue copper coinage. Imperial taxes, the post, the roads 
and streets, the aqueducts, the public buildings, the alimentary 
institutions, the grain distribution, the care of the city of 
Rome, the games, — everything [depended upon the emperor 
alone. He defrayed the expenses from the public revenues 
that were set apart for him, to which also the senatorial 
provinces contributed. The (iscus swallowed up the aerarium 
of the senate and the people.* 

The emperor did not l^ally possess the right of electing 

' Puchta, Institutionen^ i., § 86 sq, 

' For Asia, the largest province of the senate, there was Vifiscus asiaii' 
cus which was managed by imperial procurators. — Hirschfeld, UnUrsuchy 
i. 13. 

222 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

magistrates ; but the consuls and the officials for his own 
provinces he appointed himself. His influence, however, 
determined the senate's choice, and even in the third century, 
when the struggle with the senate was decided in favour of 
absolute monarchy, the emperor appointed to all posts. The 
official system was the most powerful instrument of despotism, 
as it was the means of keeping the city of Rome in sub- 
jection to the sovereign. Imperial officials displaced those 
of the senate and the people, and thus the artificial system 
of the court and its ministers became merged in the govern- 

The most important order of magistrates which the em- 
perors created was that of the prefects of the city and the 
praetorium. Augustus had revived the old republican office 
of the Praefectus urbi^ a city magistracy, which represented 
the consuls in their absence, and from which Tiberius had 
created the imperial police office of Rome. The city prefect, 
under whom were the Cohortes urbanae and the Praefectus 
vigilum^ had both civil and military power, and from the 
time of Nero he tried all crimes that were not political.^ 

The power of the commander of the praetorian body-guard, 
which always garrisoned the city, became more formidable 
after the time of Tiberius. Under Augustus, two officers of 
the equestrian order commanded these guards with purely 
military authority. Tiberius united these two commands, 
and this made the prefect of the praetorium the first officer 
after the emperor, but the guard, mistress of the empire. 
After Tiberius there were again two prefects, of whom one 
certainly must have been of higher rank. Attianus and 
Sulpicius Similis, then Q. Marcius Turbo and C. Septicius 
Clarus are known as prefects of Hadrian. The power of 
this magistracy, which had both civil and criminal juris- 
diction in Italy until the time of Constantine, first assumed 
great proportions after Alexander Severus.* Hadrian him- 
self gave the prefect of the praetorium a prominent place 
in the council of state. 

The first idea of a cabinet council, or of a college of 
consuls and senators, of " friends and attendants '* of the 

* Geib, Geschichte des rom. Criminal Processes^ p. 439. 
*Geib, Gesch. des rom, Crim, Froc, p. 417. 

CHAP, v] The Council of State 223 

sovereign, who were to help him in his administration of 
justice, originated with Augustus.^ Hadrian seems to have 
converted this council of private persons into a council of 
state, placing in it paid members, and thorough lawyers, 
like Julius Celsus, Salvius Julianus, Neratius Priscus, and 

The senate generally confirmed the appointment of the 
members of the council, who, by degrees supplanted the 
senate, not only in the administration of justice, but in the 
government itself. For the council of state took the place 
of the senate, so that even in the time of Ulpian, the sena- 
torial jurisdiction had become a mere tradition.' After 
the end of the second century the Praefectus praetario 
seems to have presided in the council, the colonel of the 
guard became a lawyer, and men like Ulpian, Papinian, and 
Paulus, could be considered thorough ministers of justice.* 

Hadrian also reorganized the private cabinet of the em- 
peror. Since the time of Augustus, there had been three 
great offices of the palace on which devolved the administra- 
tion of the empire ; the office of the treasurer {a rationibus\ 
the secretarial office {ab epistolts\ and the bureau for petitions 
{a libellis). These three departments were managed in the 
first century by freedmen of the emperor, who on that account 
had such a powerful influence, that they really ruled the 

The power of the Procurator a rationibus extended over 
the whole empire, as all the income of the fiscus was managed 
by him, and all disbursements were made by him. The 
board of secretaries had to look after the enormous mass of 
the imperial correspondence. To them came the despatches 
and the reports upon the condition of things in the empire, 
and by them were issued the wishes of the emperor. From 
their office, questions of the courts and the communities were 

' On the customary amid and comites of the imperial court, see 
Friedlaender, i. 1 17 sq, and 190 j^., the catalogue of Hadrian's friends. 

'Spart. c. 18, c. 22. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 7. 

'Gcib, Gesch, des rom, Crim, Proc. 417, 419. 

* Niebuhr, Rdm, Gesch, Jena, 184$, v. 32a On the council Mommsen, 
A*. St. ii. 933 sg. ; Hirschfeld, Unters, i. 201 ; Friedlaender, L 1176 ; Geib, 
Gesch, des. rbm, Crim. Proc. 

224 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

answered, and commissions to officers in the army, and 
imperial privileges were made out. The two languages of 
the world required the separation of this department into two 
offices, one for Latin, and the other for Greek letters. Before 
Hadrian's time these were united in one, and it was by him 
that the ofRces were separated. It was natural that in this 
secretarial department, and particularly in the Greek division 
of it, distinguished literary men, rhetoricians and sophists 
should be associated in the government Suetonius was 
Hadrian's first Latin secretary, Avidius Heliodorus from 
Syria his first Greek secretary. Heliodorus was a philo- 
sopher and a man of culture, who later fell into disfavour, 
but who was made prefect of Egypt under Antoninus.^ 

The post of head of the department for petitions and 
complaints from private persons (a libellis), was less influen- 
tial, and this was filled in the time of Hadrian by the knight 
Titus Haterius Nepos, The emperor's answers were made 
in short remarks on the paper itself, and they served as a 
precedent for similar cases after Hadrian's time.' 

The emperor Hadrian generally filled the highest offices 
of the court with knights. Even though, after his time, the 
office of finance {a rationibus) was occasionally filled by freed- 
men, he had made it into an equestrian procuratorship.' 
While before his time freedmen occupied the most important 
imperial offices of the state, he made an end of this 
favouritism, taking the personal character away from these 
offices, and converting them into magistracies. Hadrian 
was the first to draw an official class from the equestrian 
order, and to furnish the career of procurators and prefects 
with its different grades, which gave to the whole govern- 
ment a bureaucratic stamp. 

His reforms indicate an epoch in the development of 

^Waddington, Mhn, sur AeL Aristide in M^m. de PJhsL T. xxvi. 
1867, p. 217. The son of Heliodorus was Avidius Cassius, who rebelled 
against Marcus Aurelius. L. Julius Vestinus was also a secretary of 
Hadrian. C.LG. 5900 ; Friedlaender, i. 99 x^., Anh. iii. 165. A fourth 
not mentioned by name, on an inscription from Ephesus, probably also 
Celer., ibid, 

' Hirschfeld, i. 207. 

'Hirschfeld, i. 201. 

CHAP, v] Hadrian's Reforms 225 

absolute monarchy. It was indeed Hadrian who laid the 
foundation for the state of Diocletian and Constantine. 
Aurelius Victor could therefore say of him that he gave the 
offices of the state and of the court that form which, on the 
whole, they retained until the fourth century.* 

' The beginning of Byzantinism in the public service is shown in the 
idea of Alex. Severus of establishing an official uniform. In animo 
habuit omnibus officiis genus vestium proprium dare et omnibus digni- 
tatibus, ut a vestitu dinoscerentur. — Lampridius, Al. Sever.y c. 27. 

I > 


Roman Law, The Edictum Perpetuum. The Responsa. 
Roman Jurists. The Resolutions of the Senate 
and the Imperial Constitutions. The Reforming 
Spirit of Hadrians Legislation 

The reign of Hadrian forms an epoch in legislation, not 
only by its scientific treatment of law, but by the philosophic 
maxims which it established on its basis. Hadrian, in the 
first place rendered great service by the Edictum perpetuum. 
The annual edicts of those magistrates, who, like praetors, 

« aediles, and governors of provinces, had the right of 
legislation {^jus edicendi)^ were publicly proclaimed us their 
programme of justice when they entered upon office. They 
were, after the laws made by the people and the senate, the 

* sources of the Roman law which prevails throughout the world. 
Caesar had already thought of collecting these edicts, but 

, Hadrian first carried out his idea, probably in 1 3 1 A.D., with 
the help of the jurist Salvius Julianus, the great-grandfather 
of the emperor Didius Julianus.^ 

As no complete copies of this book of Julianus, but 

*Only Jerome (Chron) gives the date, 131 a.d. Eutropius, viii. 9, 
Spartianus and Dion Cassius are silent. The Const, Tanta in the Cod, 
Justin, Lib. i. Tit. xvii., § 18, expressly ascribes the composition of the 
Edictum perpetuum to Salvius Julianus and Hadrian, and says it was 
confirmed by a decree of the senate, of which the Greek constit. A45iOK€P 
has nothing. The paragraphs of the edict are collected by G. Haenel, 
Corpus legum ab Imp, R, ante Justinian, editar. — Kudorif, De juris- 
dictione edictum ; edict i perpetui^ quae reliqua sunt^ 1869. Otto Lenel, 
das Edict, perpetuum^ ein Versuch der Wiciierherstellung^ 1883. In 
general, Rudorflf, ROm, Rechtsgesch, i. 268 sq. 

BK. II. CH. VI] The Responsa 227 

merely sentences in l^al writings, such as the Digests, have 
been preserved, its character remains doubtful. So much is 
certain, that Hadrian's reform of the edict did not create a 
completely new law-book. The most recent student of this 
subject does not look upon the Edictum perpetuum as a 
systematic whole, like our civil law, nor as a codification of 
a special part of Roman law, but believes that its con- 
tents were merely determined by historical events.* 

The edict of Hadrian became a law of the empire by a 
resolution of the senate, and so served as a standard for law. 
The magistrates, indeed, continued to issue edicts, but they ' 
were bound to follow the Julian law-book, which was used 
in all jurisdictions.* In this way Hadrian advanced on the 
path of that uniform administration of justice which finally * 
made Roman law the law of the world. 

Jurisprudence, the only science of the Romans, had long 
been a power in the state. The decisions of men learned in 
the law {responsa pnidentum) formed an important source of 
law. Gaius says : " The replies of jurists are the decisions 
and opinions of men who are qualified to make theses of law. 
If they are unanimous then their decision becomes law, but 
if not, the judge may take his own view of a case, and be 
guided by a rescript of the divine Hadrian." ' 

The importance of the jurists was maintained, although 
the emperors, following the precedent set by Augustus, 
endeavoured to limit their independence by bestowing the 
Jus respondendi upon them as a distinction. Hadrian fully 
admitted the authority of the jurists.* 

His age is distinguished by a number of great lawyers. 
Juventius Celsus, who wrote thirty-nine books of Digests ; 
Neratius Priscus, who wrote seven books membranarum 
and Salvius Julianus, whose main work comprised ninety 
books of Digests. Rather younger was Sextus Pomponius, 
who wrote a compendium of the history of jurisprudence 

' Lend, p. 9 sq. From the expression componere (edictum composuif) 
a scientific revision by Julian has been inferred. 

' Brinz, Zur rem, Rechtsgesch, in Krit, Vierteljedtresckr. fur Geseitge- 
bung, xi. 471. 

* Gaius, i. § 7. 

* Puchta, /w/., !.•, p. 324. 

^28 The Emperor Hadrian [book h 

down to the time of Hadrian. Javolenus Priscus and 
Pactumeius Clemens were men of note. The latter had 
been prefect of the city and Hadrian's legate in Athens, in 
Syria, in Cilicia, and consul suffectus in 138 A.D.^ Con- 
temporary with them, and active under the Antonines, are 
Abumus Valens, Vindius Verus, Volusius Maecianus, Ulpius 
Marcellus, and the famous Gaius. These and other men 
bequeathed their scientific material and legal theories to 
the great jurists of the following century.' 

The other main sources of law were the resolutions of 
the senate and the imperial constitutions. After the people's 
legislation had become effete, the republican right of making 
laws passed to the senate. Its consulta took the place of 
the leges. The emperor's will, however, decided the vote of 
the senate, as he either made the consuls acquainted in 
writing with his wishes, or he had a speech {pratio principis) 
read to them. After the time of Augustus the decrees of 
the senate bore distinguishing names, which were taken from 
their authors, or from the consuls, or from the emperors.* 

The edicts and responsa, the rescripts, the decrees and 
mandates of the emperors, then became a new source of law 
under the definition Constitutiones principuvi} They must 
have had the more weight as the emperor had the right of 
making laws for life, while the enactments of the magistrates, 
who held an annual tenure of office were in force only for 
a year, unless they were adopted by their successors.* 

* Renier, Inscr, de VAlgerUy r8i2. 

*CapitoIinus, Anton. Pius^ c. 12 ; Dig. i. 2. The five great jurists — 
Gaius in the age of the Antonines, Aemilius Papinianus under Septimius 
Severus, Julius Paulus, Domitius Ulpianus and Herennius Modestus — 
were declared legal authorities by the Const, of Valentian III., A.D. 426. 
— G?</. Theod, Lib. i. Tit. 4. 

' Plancianunty Silanianum^ Claudianum^ Neronianum^ ex auctoritate Z>. 
Hadriam^ or auctore D, HadrianOy for the designation Hadrianum is not 
found. The resolutions of the senate under Hadrian are collected by 
Burchardi, Stoats, und Rechtsgesch, der Romer^ % 106. Most of the civil 
laws passed by the senate occur in the time between Claudius and Sep- 
timus Severus. Puchta, Inst, i.*, 295. 

* Gaius, i., § 3. 

^ Epistolae and Sententiae of Hadrian are recorded by Dositheus at the 
beginning of the third century — Corp, juris romafU Antejustiniani^ by 

CHAP. VI] Legislative Reform 229 

The list of the decrees of the senate and of the constitu- 
tions of Hadrian's time, which have been preserved to us, 
show the advance of mankind with r^ard to personal and 
civil law. The influence of Stoic philosophy made itself felt 
on the stem Roman society. More powerful at the time than 
Christianity, which was only then in its infancy, it did much 
to mitigate the condition of women and slaves, and to curb 
the limits of paternal power. A milder feeling arose in 
cosmopolitan Rome, where the idea of what we call the rights 
of humanity began to stir in the mind of the lawgiver. 
Although no one ventured yet to propose the abolition of 
slavery, it was possible to suggest measures for its miti- 

Time had gradually reformed the severe old laws, by 
which the master had power of life and death over his slaves, 
so that for the least offence he might scourge and crucify 
them. By the Lex Petronia (6 1 A.D.), the master was for- 
bidden to condemn his slaves to fight with wild beasts, and 
they were permitted to repair to the statue of the emperor 
and to the asylum for refuge. But even Augustus had con- 
firmed the law of the republic, which enacted that in the 
event of the murder of a master by his slave, all the mur- 
derer's fellow-slaves were to be put to death.* Hadrian was 
the first to forbid torture being applied to the slaves of a 
house whose master had been murdered. Those only whose 
proximity to the scene laid them open to suspicion were 
exposed to this terrible ordeal.* He forbade the arbitrary 
killing of a slave by his master,' and the sale both of male 
and female slaves to schools of gladiators and to procurers.^ 

Boecking, 1831 ; Haenel, Corp, Leg^y p. 85 sq, Dositheus, however, gives 
only one letter of Hadrian to Plotina, and the Sententiae are personal 
sayings of the emperor in the form of anecdotes. 

' Tacitus, Ann, xiv. 42 sq. In the reign of Nero four hundred slaves 
were put to death on one occasion in this way. 

•Dig. 29, s, I ; 48, 18, I. 

'Spart. c 18 : Servos a dominis occidi vetuit, eosque jussit damnari 
per judices, si digni essent. Geib however (Gesch, des rom, Criminai 
Processes J p. 459), has proved that this order remained only a 'pitim 
desiderium,' and even Antoninus only forbade the unnecessary death of 
a slave. 

*Spart. c. 18. 

230 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

A matron who ill-used her slaves he punished with exile for 
five years.^ He limited the arbitrary power of the master, 
but he respected his rights so much that on one occasion he 
refused to the people the freedom of a charioteer, because 
he was not entitled to grant it When he saw one of his 
own slaves walking between two senators, he punished him 
for his presumption. 

Hadrian also abolished the ergastula, those terrible prisons 
in which the proprietors of estates immured their fettered 
slaves, and where illegally enslaved freemen seem to have 
shared their fate.' He protected, too, the freedom of those 
who had been illegally sentenced to the mines (in opus metalli). 
This frightful sentence involved the loss of freedom, and lasted 
for life. But if, owing to some oversight of the judge the 
sentence was only for a certain period, Hadrian enacted that 
the condemned man should retain his position as a freeman.* 
Hadrian endeavoured to protect the rights acquired by eman- 
cipation, against the state and against private selfishness. He 
refused manumission whenever its object was to deceive rela- 
tions or creditors,^ but he protected trustees who were freedmen 
from attempts to upset a will ; and he indeed decreed that a 
slave who had received his freedom as a legacy that was proved 
afterwards to be invalid, might redeem it by a sum of money.* 
According to the Senatus consultum Claudianum, an appendix 
to the Lex Julia de adulteriis^ it was enacted regarding the 
connection of free women with slaves that, if it happened 
without the master's knowledge, they were to be considered 
slaves, but free, if the master had been apprised of the union. 
If the woman remained free, her child was a slave. Hadrian 
altered this law, so that the child became free too.® The 
foundation for these resolutions of the senate was the Lex 
Aelia Sentia^ passed in the year 4 A.D., which enacted that 

* Dig. i. 6, 2. 

' Spart c. 18 : Ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit Gaius, i. 53. 

*Dig. 48, 19, 28. The annulling of the status libertatis was only com- 
patible with capital punishment, or with a lifelong punishment 

^ Gaius, L 47. See also Dosithei, Lib. iii. Boecking, § 10. 

*Dig. 24, §21. Cod, Justin. 2 de fideicomm, libertat. (vii. 4X in 
Champagny, Les Antonius^ ii. 43. 

* Tacitus, Annal. xii. c. 53. Gaius, i. 84. 

CHAP. VI] Legislative Reform 231 

an insolvent person and a master under twenty years of age 
could not give slaves their liberty. This law decided that 
the freedman who had become a Latin, if he had married a 
Roman woman, or a Latin colonist, and had a son one year 
old, might become a citizen. In the reign of Tiberius, the 
Lex Junta Norbana was added, which bestowed Latin rights 
upon slaves who had been freed by the private declaration of 
the master {Lattni Juniani)} 

Trajan had already enacted that any one who had acquired 
Roman citizenship as a gift from the emperor, without the 
consent of his master, might enjoy it for life, but after his 
death he was to be considered a Latin, on the ground that 
the law of testaments was connected with the Jus Quiritium^ 
and so the masters were often without an heir. But the 
Latinus Junianus did not possess the right to make a will. 
He only who had legally acquired citizenship, or had obtained 
the consent of his patron, who had married and had a child, 
was in full possession of the rights of a citizen. Hadrian 
found this law of Trajan unfair, for it took away from freed- 
men at their death what they had possessed in life ; he 
caused the senate, therefore, to decree that such freedmen 
should be treated as if they had acquired Roman citizenship 
by the Lex Aelia Sentia, or by the senatus consultum.* 

The endeavour to increase the number of free citizens is 
everywhere apparent in Hadrian's legislation. He ordained 
that the children of a Latin and a Roman should be con- 
sidered native Roman citizens.' The absolute power of 
the father over the life and liberty of his children, as estab- 
lished by the law of the Twelve Tables, was curtailed. 
This right emanated from the Roman citizenship, and Hadrian 
established by an edict that only a Roman citizen was to 
have this paternal power.* He made it difficult for the 
peregrini to obtain it. If they and their children had ac- 
quired Roman citizenship, the children could only be in the 
Potestas patria, if they were minors and absent, and if the 

' Heineccius, Antiq, R. Jurisprud. i. 4 ; St M » Ulpian, Fragm, xix. 4. 
XX. 8 ; XXV. 7. 
<Gaius, iii., § 73. 

'Gaius, i., § 30, 81, 84 ; Ulpian, Fragm, i., § 15. 
* Gaius, i.y § S5 ! Ulpian, Fragm. v., § i {Instit, Lib. L, Tit tx.)L 

232 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

case had been thoroughly proved.^ It was also ordained 
that if anyone received citizenship when his wife was pr^- 
nant, the child, although a Roman citizen, was not to come 
under the Potestas patria. 

The emperor was often implored by sons to free them 
from this power. Trajan had once compelled a father to 
release his son who could no longer endure his cruel treat- 
ment ; and Hadrian punished a father with banishment who 
had killed his son when hunting, on account of his too great 
intimacy with his step-mother. But he punished him only 
as a highwayman, and from this case we learn that the 
murderous abuse of the paternal power in the time of Hadrian 
could not be punished as homicide.' 

The histories of law record Hadrian's reforms with regard 
to wills and inheritances. Like Trajan he was upright 
and liberal. Both emperors disdained to usurp inheritances, 
and to follow the example of Caligula, Nero, and Domitian, 
who used simply to cancel wills in which they had not been 
mentioned. Trajan had already abolished these abuses by 
an edict, and Hadrian never accepted legacies at the expense 
of the children.' He gave the twelfth part of the paternal 
property to the children of those who had been sentenced to 
have their property confiscated, a humane arrangement which 
was in accordance with the principle of the emperor to 
discourage actions for high treason.^ His maxim was to 
augment the empire by men, not the fiscus by gold.^ 

The inferior condition of women was improved by fresh 
legislation. The law that no Roman woman could make 
a will was in force as late as Hadrian, and this power 
Hadrian was the first to grant to women, by a decree of 
the senate.* He also gave them the right to inherit from 
their deceased children, if they possessed the Jus trium 
Uberorutn? When a poor woman begged him to allow 
her to have something from the pension of her son, who 

* Gaius, i., § 93, 94. * Dig. 48, 9, 8. » Spart. c. 18. 
^Spart c 18. ^ Dig. 48, 20, 7. 

* Gaius, i., § 115: Hadrian also gave the right of making a will to the 
veterans {dtmissis fnilitia\ Gaius, ii. 12. 

' Ulpian, Fragm, xxvi. 8 : According to the Lex Julia and Pafia 
Poppaea^ the law of the three children bestowed many privileges. 

CHAP. VI] Legislative Reform 233 

behaved undutifully to her, and the son declared that he 
did not acknowledge her as his mother, Hadrian answered : 
" Neither do I recognize you as a Roman citizen."^ The 
feeh'ng of increased respect for women is also shown in the 
order of Hadrian, prohibiting the common bath to men 
and women, which had been customary since the time of 

Dositheus, a grammarian in the time of Septimius Sevenis, 
collected a number of Hadrian's sentences, and this proves 
that the wise judgments of the emperor remained as anec- 
dotes in the memory of men. On the whole, it may be 
said that the legislation of Hadrian shows a moral advance 
in the feeling of human society. 

The reforms which the emperor effected in the whole 
administration must have been so far-reaching that his reign 
may be called an epoch in the empire. This we should see 
more clearly if we possessed less fragmentary records of the 

* Dosithei Afa/^istri Interpret,,^ Lib. iii., cd. Boeckinfi^, § 14. 

* Spart c. 18. Dion Cassius, Ixix. 8. Elagabalus again permitted 
the Balnea mixta^ so that Alexander Sevenis was again obliged to forbid 
it Lampridius, Alex, Setter, c. 24. 


Science and the Learned Professions, Latin and 
Greek Literature. The Schools. Athens. Smyrna. 
Alexandria. Rome 

The imperial court from the time of Augustus had great 
influence upon letters in the empire. To be well-versed 
in the culture of the time, and as a patron to promote it, 
was an imperative duty for every Roman sovereign. No 
other monarchy in the world placed such a high value upon 
knowledge as did that of Rome, and no other imperial throne 
can show so long a line of cultured princes. But the atmo- 
sphere of a court hindered the steady development of learn- 
ing. Censorship was practised even in the time of Augustus 
and Tiberius and the Flavian emperors banished philosophers 
from Rome as enemies of the monarchy. The despotism of 
the first century of the empire made literature barren until 
Nerva restored freedom of thought 

With Trajan, royal patronage again flourished, and the 
dependence of the learned professions upon the court was 
revived. Hadrian especially encouraged it He himself, as 
a man of intellect, had mastered the whole province both of 
light and serious literature, as well as of art Spartianus says 
of him : " He was intimately acquainted with Epictetus and 
Heliodorus among the philosophers, and without naming 
* them individually, he surrounded himself with grammarians, 
rhetoricians, musicians, geometricians, painters and astrologers. 
Even scholars, who seemed useless in their own department, 
he was in the habit of dismissing with presents and honours."^ 

^ Spart. c. 1 6. 

BK. II. cH. VII] Literature 235 

This tendency lasted into the time of the Antonines. Verus 
is an example of how princes were then brought up ; he was 
taught by the grammarian Scaurus, whose father had been 
the teacher of Hadrian, by the rhetoricians Apollonius, 
Celer, Caninius, Herodes Atticus, and by the philosophers 
Apollonius and Sextus. In his Greek studies he had 
Telephus, Hephaestion, and Harpocrates for tutors.* 
Teachers and royal pupils were on intimate terms, an advan- 
tage to the schools. This is shown by the correspondence 
of Fronto with the Antonines, and by the way in which 
Marcus Aurelius speaks of his numerous teachers. 

Hadrian certainly often made the learned men of his 
court the butt of his humour, which alternated between 
urbanity and tyranny ; but he was throughout the patron of 
learning. If pure learning no longer flourished it was not 
his fault. His own taste was the product of the time, and 
intellectual currents cannot be stemmed by the most power- 
ful sovereigns. Literature, which never before had enjoyed 
so large a field as was at that time offered by the Roman 
empire, would have made great advances from the complete 
liberty of thought and teaching after the time of Nerva, if its 
creative power had not been already extinguished. Rhetoric 
and grammar were in vogue in the second century, which 
produced neither classic poets nor great prose writers. 
Encyclopaedic knowledge was the characteristic of a time in 
which the Romans felt themselves masters of the world. In 
the arts it brought a renaissance of style and form without 
ideas, and in literature it only shows a philological return to 
antiquity without any force of intellect* This tendency to 
archaism had long been perceptible, and had originated 
more probably from errors of taste, than as Niebuhr thinks, 
from the necessity of enriching the impoverished Latin lan- 
guage with words from the treasure-house of the oldest 
authors." Augustus had inveighed against philological anti- 

* Capitolinus, Verus Imp.^ c. 2. 

* In relation to literature this is clearly shown by Martin Hertz, Renms- 
same und Rococo in der rem. JJt,y Berlin, 1865. See also G. Bcmhardy, 
Grtiftdr. der griech, Ijt.\ p. 323 sq. 

'Niebuhr (Vortr(teje;e iiber rbm. Gesch.^ iii. 231) thought too that the 
Unj^a ntsfica arose at this time. It is hardly fair to form an opinion 

236 The' Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

quarianism, for which he blamed Tiberius.^ The delight of 
Hadrian and of the Antonines in obscure and archaic forms 
of speech, appears chiefly to have been a rococo fashion of 
the empire. Spartianus says that Hadrian preferred Cato to 
Virgil, and Coelius Antipater, a contemporary of the Gracchi, 
to Sallust. And he is said to have undervalued Plato, and 
to have placed Antimachus, the precursor of the Alexandrian 
art of poetry in the time of the Peloponnesian war, above 

While the interest in Roman literature decayed, Greek 
literature made a fresh start, and the Hellenes, not the Latins, 
constituted the best talent of the age. The brilliancy 
of a fresh and increasing literature, full of the glittering 
pomp of declamation, which originated in the schools of 
the sophists at Smyrna, threw the Latin tongue into the 
shade.' But Latin had certainly conquered the West and 
Africa, with astonishing rapidity, and, as the language 
of law and government, it maintained in the East also the 
prerogative of the ruling nation.^ It had to yield, however, 
in literature, and even in aristocratic society, to the ascend- 
ancy of Hellenism. Greek, as the language of culture, stood 
in the same relation to Latin as, in the time of Frederick the 
Great, French stood to German ; and this relation between 
the tongues was older than the empire. Cato had already 
blamed Albinus for writing a Roman history in Greek. 
Lucullus, too, wrote the Marsic war in Greek, and Cicero the 
history of his. consulate. Claudius composed histories of 
Tyre and Carthage in Greek, and Titus wrote Greek 
tragedies. The sophist Aelianus, from Praeneste, a con- 
temporary as it appears of Hadrian, wrote his works, 

upon the language as a whole from barbarous Latin inscriptions. Upon 
the reaction against the modem literature of that time see Friedlaender, 
iii. 335 sq, 

^ Suetonius, Aug. c 86. 

'Spart. c. 16; Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4. 

'Nicolai, Griech, Uteratur Gesckichie^ ii. 425 sq. 

* In the West there were more Latin than Greek schools. In Philostratus 
( Vita, Soph.^ vol. ii. 9) Favorinus thinks it curious that he, a Gaul, should 
speak Greek. The Greek language, which had prevailed earlier in 
Marseilles and Lyons, had been driven out. Lucian had taught as a 
rhetorician for a year in Gaul. 

CHAP. VII] The Schools 237 

Stories of all Kinds and Upon Animals in Greek, and 
was considered a complete Philhellene.* The philosopher 
Favorinus, a Gaul, was also an enthusiastic student of Hellenic 
literature ; and Gellius preferred the Greek to the Latin 
language. Lucretius had already complained of the poverty 
of his mother tongue, an opinion which was confirmed by 
the younger Pliny in a letter to Arrius Antoninus, a perfect 
Philhellene and uncle to Antoninus Pius.* Hadrian himself 
preferred to write in Greek, and so did Marcus Aurelius and 
the orator Pronto. Suetonius and Apuleius wrote in both 
languages. The age of Hadrian, though it produced no 
striking genius among the Greeks, certainly diffused a 
refined Hellenic culture through the whole empire. 

In all important cities, schools of one or of both the 
languages of civilization flourished. While Rome was the 
cosmopolitan centre of the arts and sciences, Smyrna, 
Alexandria, and Athens shone as the chief seats of Hel- 
lenism. After the time of Hadrian, Athens again became 
a much frequented university of philosophy and rhetoric. 
Its lecture rooms and libraries, which the emperor had 
greatly increased, attracted famous teachers and numerous 
students from all provinces.' 

From Athens the sophists flocked into the Roman coun- 
tries to acquire honours and wealth. In Athens the first 
public teacher was the celebrated Lollianus of Ephesus. 
The sophist Hadrian, who filled the professorial chair, first 
there and afterwards in Rome, received his living from Marcus 
Aurelius at the expense of the state, precedence on the 
occasion of festivals, exemption from taxes, the rank of a 
priest, and other honours.* Theodotus was the first teacher 
of the Athenian youth who received a salary from the 
emperor of 10,000 drachmas.' 

Smyrna, the chief school of the Ionian sophists, shone 

' Philostnitus, Vita Soph.^ vol. li. 125. 

• Pliny, Ep, iv. 3 and 18. 

' Gellius, i. 2 : Ad capiendum ingenii cultum. On the library of Athens : 
Aristides, PanathenaikoSy i. 306 (ed. Dindorf) : pifiXUir rofuia ots o^* 

• Philostratus, Vt/a Saph.^ vol. ii. 10. 

• Philostratus, Vita^ vol. ii. 73. 

238 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

even more brilliantly than Athens. The whole of Ionia, 
says Philostratus, in the life of Scopelianus, is a collie of 
the most learned men, but Smyrna holds the first place 
among the cities, and gives the tone, like the zither, to 
other instruments.^ There Polemon taught and attracted 
innumerable pupils. Other cities, too, such as Tarsus, 
Antioch, Berytus, and Carthage had famous schools, but 
their prosperity diminishes after the time of Hadrian. 

Alexandria, the mother of Greek learning, outshone all 
other cities. The youth of many countries assembled in 
her famous gymnasia, and in those libraries which Zeno- 
dotus, Callimachus, Eratosthenes, and Aristarchus had 
arranged. Of these libraries the one in Alexandria which 
was connected with the Museum in Bruchium, the magnifi- 
cent foundation of Ptolemy Philadelphus, had been destroyed 
by fire, at the time when Caesar annihilated the Egyptian 
fleet in the harbour. Cleopatra had then replaced it by the 
library of Pergamum, which had been given to her by Antony. 
There was a second smaller library in the Serapeum.' 

The Alexandrian school diffused a splendour over the 
civilized world which lasted longer than that shed by any 
university afterwards, whether of Paris, Bologna, or Padua. 
Long after the creative power of Greek genius was ex- 
hausted, encyclopaedic knowledge and Greek sophistry 
were to be found in the library and the Museum of 
Alexandria. In this foundation of the first Lagidae, 
Ptolemy Philadelphus and Euergetes, all the methods of 
the philosophic as well as of the exact sciences were fostered 
for centuries. The importance of the school of Alexandria 
lasted, though not uninterruptedly, as long as Alexandria 
itself There the treasures of classical literature were col- 
lected and arranged, the manuscripts improved, and the texts 
explained. The Museum, indeed, whose splendid marble 
halls were close to the temple of the muses, within the 
circumference of the old royal citadel, was not merely an 
academy, but a place for the assembly of learned men, 

^ Philostratus, Vita Soph.^ vol. ii. 29. 

* Ptolemy Philadelphus seems to have founded both libraries. Fr. 
Ritschl, Die Alexandrin, Bibliotheken unter den ersten Ptolomdern^ '834, 
p. 14 sq. 

CHAP. VII] The School of Alexandria 239 

many of whom received food and salary at the expense of 
the state. The high-priest of Eg}'pt, who was at the head 
of this academical establishment was chosen by the kings 
before the Roman sovereignty, and was afterwards appointed 
by the emperors.^ To the old Museum the learned Claudius 
added a new foundation — the Claudium ; but the professors 
degenerated into the hirelings of imperial vanity. 

Hadrian confirmed the privileges of this honourable 
institution. As the greatest distinction of a learned man 
or a poet was to be a member of it, and as nomination 
depended upon the favour of the emperor, many abuses 
might easily prevail. But Hadrian was not the first em- 
peror who gave the places in the Museum as sinecures to 
strangers not in residence, lil^e the sophist Polemon of 
Smyrna, and Dionysius of Miletus.* He even made a 
mediocre poet, Pancrates, a member of the academy. He 
seems to have been a native ; but the national feeling of the 
Egyptians must have been deeply wounded when Hadrian 
appointed president of the Museum, and consequently high- 
priest of Egypt, a Roman named Julius Vestinus, who had 
been his secretary and director of the libraries in Rome.' 

An historian of the Alexandrian school has erroneously 
ascribed the decay of the Museum to the too frequent abuse 
of Hadrian's favour in the appointment to its posts. The 
care, however, which the same emperor bestowed upon the 
schools in Rome and Athens, as well as in other cities, could 
scarcely diminish the importance of an institution that was 
already growing old.* Fof, even in the time of the Flavian 

' Strabo, xvii. 794. 

• Philostr, yt/. Soph,y vol. ii. 37. The expression for it is 'Acyvrria 
Wn^ct or rpdwc^a kiyvfwrUiu 

'AH his offices are enumerated in the inscription, C.LG, iii. 5900: 
'Apx('P<< 'AXr^rdpefat iral A^^tHrTov irhaifi . . . irol kir%irrA,T^ /ioucttcv koI iwi rdv 4w 
V^fijf fiifi\to$iKWf iral iwl wtuielat *AdpiapoO. . . . This is not cumulative but 
successive, and indeed in inverted order. See Friedlaender, i. 165. 
Matter, (i. 279) calls Vestinus the only president of the Museum whose 
name has been handed down to us. 

* Matter, //is/, dc P/coU d Alexandrie^ 2nd ed., Paris, 1840, i. 265 sg 
The prize essays upon the Alexandrian Museum of Parthey and KlippeL 
1838, may be compared, and the literature on the subject in Bemhardy, 
Grtiudriss der griech, A*/., i. 539 sq. 

240 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

emperors, the Museum must have fallen greatly into decay, 
for otherwise Dion Chrysostom could not have said that it 
was a school only in name.^ The learned society existed 
until the time of Caracalla, the terrible destroyer of Alexan- 
dria, who broke it up. It was indeed restored, but could 
not regain its importance. The famous library was destroyed, 
with the magnificent Serapeum, in 389 A.D. by the fanaticism 
of the Christians. 
1 , With regard to Rome, this city of the world was then 


the universal market for learned men, and the emporium of 
the already vast world of books. The Roman libraries b^an 
to increase from the time of LucuUus, the founder of the first 
public library. Henceforth Rome could vie in this respect 
with Athens and Alexandria. Sulla brought the library of 
Apellicon, which he had stolen, from Athens to Rome. 
Augustus founded great libraries in the temple of Apollo 
Palatinus, and in the hall of Octavia. Tiberius formed one 
in the capitol, Vespasian another in the temple of peace, and 
even Domitian enriched the libraries of Rome by copies 
which he had made in Alexandria. Finally, Trajan founded 
the Ulpian library ; Hadrian formed a library at his villa at 
Tibur for his private use, and in Antium he possessed 
another ;' a third was connected with his famous academy, 
the Athenaeum^ 

Rome, in addition to every other advantage, could offer 
the richest treasures in books to learned men. A golden 
age began for them under the Flavian emperors, with the 
single exception of the philosophers, whom Vespasian, and 
after him Domitian, indignant with the free thinking of the 
Cynics, had banished. They returned in great numbers. 
Rhetoricians, philosophers and pedagogues flocked like a 
migration of nations into Rome, to seek their fortune. The 
Athenian Demonax compared the philosopher ApoUonius 
to an Argonaut going in search of the golden fleece, 

^ Orat, xxxii. cui AUxandWnos^ p. 434 (ed. Dindorf). 

' Philostratus, Vit. Apollon.^ viii. 19. Gellius, ix. 14, 3, xix. 5, 4, 
Graefenhan, Gesch, der class, PhiloL^ iv. 44, and Jahn, Anptal, Pkilol,^ ii. 
360. C.LG. 5900, mentions L. Julius Vestinus as director of the library of 
Rome under Hadrian. In Friedlaender, i. 165, an unnamed librarian of 
Hadrian, from a mutilated inscription at Ephesus ; also in Flemmer, p. 49. 

CHAP. VII] The Athenaeum 241 

when he sailed from Athens to Rome accompanied by his 

Vespasian laid the foundation for a Roman school, in 
which he estabh'shed chairs for Greek and Latin rhetoricians, 
whose salary he paid from the fiscus.* Hadrian enlarged 
this academy, and called it the Athenaeum. He destined 
it, as the name leads us to conjecture, to the especial 
cultivation of Greek, though not to the exclusion of Roman 
literature.' The chair of oratory was called a throne as in 
Athens.* The Athenaeum contained such spacious meeting 
halls, that later on the senate could sometimes hold its 
sittings there. Rhetoricians and philosophers discoursed 
in it, and poets contended for prizes. This foundation of 
Hadrian was still existing in the time of Symmachus ; it 
can therefore be looked upon as the Roman university after . 
the second century.* 

The numerous .schools of learning in the empire, which 
the emperor, the municipalities, and even private persons 
erected and promoted, show a high average of general cul- 
ture, and a large class of learned men. The ranks of this 
class became fuller, as after the regulations of Vespasian 
and Hadrian, rhetoricians, philosophers, philologists, and even 
physicians were exempt from the city burdens and offices.* j 
How important the study of books had become may be per- 


' Lucian, Demonax^ c. 31 : Upoaipxtrai 6 'AwoXXc^ytof koL ol 'Apyoi^tuhm 

* Suetonius, ^>.f/., c. 18. 

'Lampridius {Alex, Ser.^ c. 35) says of this emperor: ad Athenaeum 
audicndonim et Graecorum et Latinonim rhetonim vel poetanim causa 
frequenter processit. 

* Philostr. Vif. Sof^h.y ii. 93 : 6 arw tfp^rot. In the time of Marcus Aurelius 
the sophist Hadrian occupied it 

^ Zumpt {Destand der f kilos, Schulen in Athen^ p. 44) believes that the 
Athenaeum was consecrated as a temple of Minerva. Aurelius Victor, 
c. 14, calls it *Ludus ingenuarum artium.' Jul. Capitolinus, Pertinax^ 
c. 1 1 ; Ael. Lampridius, Alex, Sever.y c. 35. Kuhn, St&dt, Verfass.y i. 95. 
Grasbcrger, Erzieh, und Unterr, im class, Alterthum^ iii. 442. 

•From gymnasiarchia and agoranomia, from the offices of priest, 
ambassador and judge, from military service and billeting, etc. Kuhn, 
i. 104, according to Kriegel, Antigua Versio lot, fragmeniar, e Modistini 
libro de excusationib.^ p. 44 ; also Cod, Theod.^ xiii. 3. 


242 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. vii 

ceived from Gellius, who composed his Attic Nights about 
150 A.D. He is a good example of the learning of his time, 
and his work, precious from its antiquities and explanations, 
is full of the greatest trivialities. How he came by all the 
material, he relates himself; he buys old books where he can 
get hold of them, and makes extracts from them.^ 

Men of learning roamed about the streets like the mendi- 
cant friars of the Middle Ages. Reciters and orators were 
to be heard in public places, and teachers sat in front of the 
book-shops, where they offered, like mountebanks, to explain 
this or that manuscript ; for authority and antiquity were 
everything in these degenerate days. Passages from the 
poets, or facts from ancient history, were explained with 
elaborate phrases ; an unusual word or an obscure term was 
sought out, to make a display of the extent of historical and 
philological knowledge.^ The ease with which such know- 
ledge could be obtained stirred crowds of moderate intellects 
anxious to make money by their learning. But it was not 
given to every one to be a Herodes Atticus or a Favorinus, 
who could derive real advantage from the privileges of 
literary men. Not everyone could choose knowledge instead 
of a trade or an art for his life's calling like Lucian, to whom, 
in his youthful dream, the goddess appeared showing in a 
dazzling light the wealth, the honour, the rank, and the fame 
which awaited her followers in the world.' 

^ Gellius, ix. 4. 

^The grammarian Domitius called such word-grubbing philosophers: 
mortuaria glossaria, namque coHigitis lexidia, res tciras et inancs, ct 
frivolas. — Gellius, xviii. 7 ; xiii. 30 ; xvi. 6 ; xviii. 4. 

* Lucian, Enhypnian^ c. 11. 


Plutarch. Arrian. The Taciica. Philo of Byblus. 
Appian. Phlegon. Hadrian* s Memoirs 

Among the authors of the time one figure shines with the 
gentle h'ght of humanity. This figure is Plutarch, the most 
versatile mind, and, with Favorinus, the most admired author 
of his epoch. Even to-day one of his writings is an orna- 
ment to literature. 

Plutarch was bom about 50 A.D., in that Chaeronea 
where, at the battle of Philippi, the freedom of Greece had 
found its grave. He studied in Athens under Ammonius, 
and then lived in easy circumstances in his native city. 
From there he travelled into Hellas and Egypt. He visited 
Rome too in the time of Vespasian. Here he gave lectures, 
and became friendly with the most prominent men, like 
C. Sosius Scnccio, to whom he afterwards dedicated several 
of his Parallel Lives} He acquired the Latin tongue, if only 

Returning to Chaeronea, he remained there until his 
death, devoting his life to the muses as well as to the 
public service of his native place. No other personality in 
an age that was so full of contradictions, offers so beautiful 
an example of harmonious work and modest happiness. 
Plutarch, a philosopher of the ancient type, is the antithesis to 
Hadrian. The people of Chaeronea conferred upon him the 
office of priest. He was also priest of Apollo at Delphi, and 
Agonothetes at the Pythian games. Trajan bestowed upon 

* R. Volkmann, Lehen und Schriften des Plutarch^ 1869, i. 36 sq. After 
82 A.D. he came for the second time to Rome. 

244 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

him consular honours, and in his old age, Hadrian is said to 
have made him procurator of Greece. Rome and Hellas, 
the two parts of the civilized world, honoured him. He 
died at Chaeronea about 120 A.D., aged seventy years. 

The numerous writings of Plutarch, of which a large part 
has been lost, were circulated through the civilized world. 
Those that have been preserved are divided into two groups, 
the twenty-three biographies {fiioi xa^dXXjiXoi), and the 
moral writings {n^uca) — eighty-three writings in all.^ They 
are not works of a genius which strikes out new paths in the 
world of thought, but they are the productions of reflection 
and experience based on a foundation of extraordinary 
learning. Rhetorical, grammatical, and antiquarian studies, 
together with ethics, form the leading characteristics of 
Plutarch's writings. To soften paganism by a gentler philo- 
sophy of life, which approached Christianity, is the great 
speciality of Plutarch, and he idealized both ancient religion 
and ancient history.' 

In his essays he ably discusses the most diverse sub- 
jects, after the manner of the sophists. He inquires 
into scientific and even practical questions, and draws 
up rules of conduct, such as are contained in the manual 
of Epictetus and in the reflections of Marcus Aurclius. 
There are essays upon virtue and vice, upon equanimity, 
upon the love of parents, talkativeness, the love of money, 
upon envy and hatred, upon the education of children, upon 
the rules of conjugal life, the laws of health, fate, upon con- 
sulting oracles, upon the entertainment of the seven sages, 
the heroic deeds of women, the sayings of famous kings and 
generals, upon love stories, political doctrines, platonic re- 
searches as to the genius of Socrates, the origin of the 
mundane soul in Timaeus, the contradiction of the Stoics, 
writings against the Epicureans, physical investigations, upon 
the principle of cold, upon the envy of Herodotus, upon Isis 
and Osiris, etc. Plutarch followed no definite method of 
teaching, he was an Eclectic like Cicero. 

^ Volkinann, p. 99 sg. The catalogue, which is said to have been made 
by Plutarch's son Lamprias, contains 210 items. — Plut, perditor, scriptor, 
fragtnenta^ ed. Fr. Duebner, Paris, 1855. 

* Thiersch, Politik und Philosophie in ihrem Verhaeltniss Kur Religion^ 

p. 15. 

CHAP, viii] Plutarch 245 

All these essays are of no value at the present time 
except to the student of the history of culture, but the 
collection of incomparable biographies of great Romans and 
Greeks is still in the hands of educated people as a book of 
universal interest Plutarch owes his immortality to it alone. 
By it, he created a style in literature. When he came from 
Chaeronea to Rome, the capital of the empire made a pro- 
found impression upon him. As he gazed at the monuments 
of world-wide fame, he was overwhelmed by the thought of 
the formidable power which could create so imposing a city. 
Rome, on her part, recognized this deeply religious man as 
an instrument of divine providence. He freed himself there 
from the prejudices of Greek vanity, which had made him 
hitherto ascribe the greatness of the Romans, unlike that of 
Alexander, to good fortune only, and not to their own 
courage and sagacity. 

The Greeks, moreover, since the time of Polybius had been 
obliged to submit to the power of the Romans, by whom 
their country had been subdued and ruined. They lived 
hereafter as descendants of the noblest race of humanity under 
their rulers, to whom they had to pay allegiance even while 
conscious of their own intellectual superiority. This superi- 
ority was admitted by imperial Rome, who admired the ideals 
of Greece and bowed humbly before them. All the statesmen, 
generals, and emperors of Rome acknowledged the aristoc- 
racy of the Hellenic intellect, from Flaminius, the Scipios, 
and Cicero, to the Philhellenes, Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius. 

It was a happy thought of Plutarch to give an historical 
account of the parallel lives of the ancient civilized world, 
and to reconcile them to one another. In a list of bio- 
graphies written in simple narrative he has contrasted the 
national characters of Rome and Greece, and has created a 
book of heroes from which earnest men in all ages have 
drawn both instruction and inspiration. 

Next to Plutarch, and of equal dignity, stands another 
ancient Greek, Flavius Arrian, from Nicomedia in Bithynia, 
one of the most striking personalities of his time. He was 
still living in the time of Marcus Aurelius, but his best work 
belongs to the reign of Hadrian, for whom he wrote the 
Periplus of the Black Sea, He was one of those few Greeks 

246 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

who filled high positions in the Roman state. He was a 
citizen of Rome and of Athens, then senator, consul between 
121 A.D. and 124A.D., and then governor of Cappadocia 
in the last years of Hadrian's reign. He was alike capable 
as statesman and general, as historian and philosopher.^ 
Arrian might thus almost be looked upon as a new Xeno- 
phon.' He took this ancient Greek as a pattern for style 
and construction, and, like Xenophon, he wrote a book upon 
the chase.* His writings show*that he was a practical man, 
without the glitter of sophistry, but without its grace. 

In his youth he had been much engrossed by the philo- 
sophy of the Stoics, the best education for noble manhood. 
He was the most distinguished among the pupils of Epictetus. 
We only know the maxims of this sage through Arrian, for 
he collected them in the Enchiridion^ and in the eight books 
of the discourses of Epictetus. Unfortunately his conversa- 
tions of Epictetus, in twelve books, and his biography of him 
are lost* 

History owes important writings to Arrian, especially the 
work upon Alexander the Great, the hero of the Greek spirit, 
which he enriched by embodying the consciousness of Hel- 
lenic greatness. The Parthian wars of Trajan had revived the 
memory of Alexander. Arrian wrote seven books upon the 
expeditions of Alexander, and, as an eighth, the Indica. He 
made use of writings from the time of Alexander, so that 
his work is an important historical authority ; and he is 
the first of all the historians of Alexander who have come 
down to us.^ His ten books upon the time of the Diadochi, 
and unfortunately his seventeen books also upon Trajan's 
Parthian war, are lost, and so are his eight books of Bithynian 
history from the earliest times to the last Nicomedes, who 
bequeathed his empire to the Romans.^ Arrian's history of 

^Arrian is still in office in 136-137 A.D. — Inscriptions from Sebastopolis 
in Rev. ArcfUoL N.S.^ xxxiii., 1876, p. 199 ; in Duerr, Anh, 58. 

« Photius, i?/^/. 53. 

^Scripta minora^ ed. Hercher, 1854. 

'Zeller, iii. i, 661. Only four books of the dissertations (Siarpipai) have 
been preserved, and fragments in Stobaeus. 

^Schoell, Geschichte der grtech, Liter,^ ii. 422. 

* Photius says of it (i?/^/., 234) : rj warpiSi dQpw iirafl^fMP rd wdrpia. 

c»Ai». viii] Philo of Byblus 247 

Dion of Syracuse, and of Timoleon, and of the Alani have 
also disappeared. To this last work was appended The 
Expedition against the Alani which has been preserved. In 
his Art of Tactics he has described the different kinds of 
troops, their exercises, marches and commands for the use of 

Military writings were suitable to the spirit of the age. 
Hadrian himself, though erroneously, has been credited with 
the authorship of a scientific military treatise under the 
title Epitedanna ; but his great passion for the army called 
forth works of this kind.^ The Tactical Tluory of Aelian, 
who lived in Rome in the first half of the second century, 
scarcely belongs to them.' But the famous work of Apollo- 
dorus upon siege tactics was expressly composed for 

The Greek authors who have treated of the history of the 
world, or of the history of Rome, and of separate countries, 
are numerous. The loss of their works is vexatious enough. 
Suidas mentions Cephalion, who wrote a sketch of the 
history of the world from Ninus to Alexander, in the Ionic 
tongue ; Jason of Argos, who wrote a work upon Greece ; 
the Alexandrian Leander Nicanor, and Diogenes of Heraclea, 
who were both geographers. Herennius Philo, a Phoenician 
from Byblus, wrote thirty books upon states and their great 
men. He translated the Sanchuniathon into Greek in nine 
books, of which fragments are preserved in Eusebius, which 
however may be a forgery of this supposed Phoenician his- 
torical work by Philo/ Crito, from the Macedonian Pieria, a 

' R. Focrster, Siudien tu den griech, Taktikem (HermeSy xii. 1877 
p. 449 sq.\ points out that the opinion that the writing of Hadrian was 
puhlished by Urhicius and thus attributed to him is erroneous. See 
Schoell, Gesch. Her griech. Lit, W, 75. 

*H. Koechly und W. Ruestow, ^^/rVf/r'j Theorie der Taktik, The view 
of Kocchly that the rixn rairrvHt of Arrian belongs to Aelian, and that 
the work hitherto ascribed to the latter is a later edition of the same 
work, is disposed of by Foerster. 

HXciKiofMyfTiKA^ Veter, Matkemat.^ Paris, 1693. Poliorcitique des Grtcs^ 
ed. Woeschcr, Paris, 1867, P- '37 J^-» with illustrations of the engines. 
In the preface to the work Apollodorus says that he was induced to 
write it by a production of Hadrian's. 

* Euseb. Praep. i., c. 9. 

248 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

travelling companion of Hadrian, wrote works on the history 
of Syracuse, of Macedonia, and of Persia, and upon the 
Dacian war of Trajan. 

A happy accident has preserved a large part of the 
historical books of Appian the Alexandrian, who wrote his 
Romaica in the time of Antoninus Pius. He treated the 
history of Rome until the time of Augustus, ethnographically, 
in twenty-four books, and he gave an account of the destinies 
of the separate countries until they became Roman provinces. 
We still possess the histories of the Punic, Syrian, Mithridatic, 
Spanish and Illyrian wars, and the five books of the Roman 
civil wars. The dry, but useful work is confirmed by Poly- 
bius, and Appian shares the view with him as well as with 
Plutarch, that Rome's empire over the world was a divine 

Phlegon of Tralles, a frcedman of Hadrian's, made himself 
famous by a chronological work. It was a chronicle arranged 
according to the Olympiads, and it reached as far as Hadrian. 
Only fragments of it have been preserved. Photius, who 
had read five books of the sixteen, said of it, that the style 
was neither popular nor Attic, the language without elegance, 
and the whole book tedious from a superabundance of detail. 
Eusebius however made use of this work. Phlegon also wrote 
a description of Sicily, and of the topographical wonders of 
Rome, a^ well as of the Roman festivals. All these historical 
and antiquarian writings are lost, with the exception of two 
unimportant works of this author, Miraculous Stories^ and 
Men of Great Longevity^ which have been preserved. 

Phlegon stood so high in Hadrian's favour, that he en- 
trusted him with the compilation of his memoirs, which he 
had written, following the example of Trajan. According to 
the assertion of Spartianus, the memoirs were actually written 
by the emperor himself, who thirsted for immortality, but he 
published them under the name of Phlegon, doubtless in the 
Greek language.^ The memoirs of Hadrian, if we possessed 
them, would enrich literature with an imperial historian of 
rare intellect, and in spite of the unavoidable colouring of 

^ Spartianus (c. 16} certainly speaks of several freedmen who published 
the biography of the emperor under their own name, and then says : nam 
et Phlegontis libri Hadriani esse dicuntur. 

CHAP, vm] Hadrian's Memoirs 249 

many actions, would be the authentic source for the history 
of his life. The memoirs of Hadrian would, too, have thrown 
an especial light on the general condition of Rome, and on 
the reigns of many of his predecessors.* His life was written 
by many contemporaries, as well as by Philo of Byblus. 

As these biographies are lost, our knowledge of one of the 
most remarkable epochs of imperial times can only be obtained 
from the scanty reports of two compilers who made use of 
the memoirs of Hadrian, namely, Spartianus, who lived in 
the time of Diocletian, and Dion Cassius, who lived in the 
early years of the third century, whose information is only 
conveyed to us in the epitome of Xiphilinus. Irreparable, 
too, is the loss of the Roman historical work of Marius 
Maximus, who continued the biographies of the emperors by 
Suetonius, and who wrote at the end of the second and the 
beginning of the third century. The life of Hadrian, which 
he treated, was made use of by Spartianus, and also by 
Aurelius Victor.' 

' Dion Cassius, Ixvi. 17, in one place quotes the scandalous stones which 
accuse Titus of the poisoning of Vespasian, and refers expressly to the 
opinion of Hadrian. Can we suppose that he read this in the auto- 
biography ? 

* On the biographers of Hadrian : H. Jacnecke, De vitae Hadricmae 
ScriptofihuSy 1875. — J. J. Mueller, Der Gesckichtschreiber JL Marius 
MaximuSy 1870. — J. Plew, Marius Maximus als Quelle der Scriptores H. 
AufT, 1878 : also by the same author, Quellenuntersuchunf^n zur Gesckichle 
des K. Hadrian y Strassburg, 189a — Acm. Picrino, De Foniib, Viiar, 
Hadriani ei Septimii Set'eri Impp, ab Aelio Spartiano concriptar^ i88a — 
J. Ducrr, Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian^ 1 881, p. 73 sq. 


Florus. Suetonius. Geography. Philology 

They were, then, essentially Greeks who wrote the history 
of the world and of Rome, after this task had been executed 
by Latins until the second century. The Latins henceforth 
gave way to the Greeks. They could, indeed, point to 
Tacitus, who survived the reign of Hadrian, but with him 
ended the great national list of Roman historians. The 
succeeding authors show the decay of historical literature, 
which no longer bears any trace of a lofty conception of 

Two Latin historians belong to this time, Julius Florus 
and Suetonius. Florus made an abridgment of Livy's 
History of Rome ^ which has been preserved, and which was 
highly thought of in the Middle Ages.* 

C. Suetonius Tranquillus, a Roman of culture and ability, 
but without any great originality, was more important. The 
son of a knight and a favourite of the younger Pliny, who 
corresponded with him, he was born in 77 A.D.* In the 
schools of rhetoric at Rome, Hadrian as a youth must 
have known this companion of his maturer years. When 
he became emperor he made him his secretary, but Sue- 
tonius lost his post because he had approached the empress 
too familiarly. The later circumstances of his life are 

'y. Flori, Epitom, de T, Livio bellor. omnium annor. dxx, Libri duo, 
ed. O. Jahn, 1852, then Halm, 1854. Florus is called sometimes Julius 
sometimes L. Annaeus. Whether he was identical with the poet P. 
Annius Florus is uncertain. 

'Pliny, ^/^. i. 18; iii. 8 ; v. 10, in which he asks him to publish his 
works, — appellantur quotidie et flagitantur. 

nK. II. CH. IX] Suetonius 251 

unknown. Most of his grammatical, critical, and historical 
writings, wherein he seems to have taken Varro as a pattern, 
have been lost He wrote on the games of the Greeks and 
Romans, upon the customs of the Romans, a life of Cicero, 
and a list of famous men.^ 

Suetonius owes his fame to the biographies of the first 
twelve emperors, which he wrote in 120 A.D., and 
dedicated to his friend Septicius Clarus, before he himself 
had fallen into disgrace with the emperor. The happy 
idea of describing biographically the development of the 
empire of the first century contributed as much as the 
poverty of the literature upon the imperial period to give 
great importance to this work. It is written slightly and 
simply in a pleasant, easy style, but his treatment of 
character is wanting in artistic unity and in depth of con- 
ception. The biographies swarm with anecdotes, chiefly of 
a scandalous character, in which the influence may be per- 
ceived of the court of an emperor, who was accustomed to 
treat the world and its great men with irony and caprice. 
But the wealth of material and the trustworthiness of the 
information derived from the archives of many families, 
make the work of Suetonius always an important historical 
authority. This history of the emperors is a monument of 
Latin literature, wherein the national instinct, as in Tacitus, 
of writing Roman history from an imperial stand-point, is 
displayc<l. Hadrian may probably have suggested the work 
to Suetonius. 

The science of geography must have received fresh life 
from the travels of the emperor; but the only work oT travel 
of Hadrian's time is the report of Arrian upon the circum- 
navigation of the Rlack Sea.' The study of geography, a 
product of Greek learning, was warmly encouraged in Rome, 
after the time of Caesar, by the government The gigantic 
works of Strabo and Pliny mark an epoch in the study of 
geography in both literatures of the world. Under the 

' Suidas, 934 sq, J. Regent, De C. Sueionii vita et scrifitiSy 185 1. Suet. 
Tranquil It fircutcr Caesarum libros reliquiae ^ cd. A. Reiffenscheid, i86a 
Gcllius, ix. 7, p. 472. Teuffel {Rom, IJteraturgesck) quotes a Historia 
ludicra by him. 

*Bunbury, Hist, of Ancient Geography ^ ii. 51a 

252 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. ix 

Ahtonines, geography came to the front when the great 
catalogue of roads was made by the genius of Claudius 
Ptolemaeus for the use of mathematical geography as well 
as for astronomy and chronology. The observation of the 
heavens by the ancients was reduced by this Alexandrian to 
a system which prevailed until the time of Copernicus. The 
same thing happened with the science of medicine, for the 
Greek, Claudius Galen collected the experience of antiquity, 
and dominated the scientific opinion of thirteen centuries. 
This great man was born at Pergamum in Hadrian's reig^, 
in 131 A.D. 

Special activity was displayed in the time of Hadrian in 
grammatical and philological studies. Many Latins, and 
more Greeks, are distinguished in this field of literature 
as atticists, lexicographers, and etymologists. In the same 
way the Alexandrians Orion, ApoUonius Dyscolus, the 
famous predecessor of Aelius Herodianus, Hephaestion, 
Nicanor of Cyrene, Aelius Melissus, Heliodorus, Aelius 
Dionysius from Halicamassus, and Telephus of Pergamum 
may be mentioned.^ Among the Latin philologists are 
Valerius Pollio, Quintus Terentius Scaurus the commen- 
tator on Plautus and Virgil, Flavius Casper, Velleius Celer, 
Domitius, Caius ApoUinaris Sulpicius, Julius Vestinus, and 
others. These studies were the foundation of the eloquence 
which, with art and science, formed the whole culture of the 
Roman and Greek world. 

^ Upon the grammarians : Nicolai, Griech, Uteraturgeschichtey ii. 3161^. 
Grafenhan, Gesch, der class. Philol.^ Band iv. 


The Schools of Roman Oratory. Roman Orators. 

Cornelius Fronto 

During the republic, when the life of the state was on 
the Forum and in the Curia, and when its fate was being 
determined by the struggle of great parties, the Roman 
|)cople developed the most brilliant political oratory. In 
Rome the art of speaking formed part of the education of 
the citizen. Men of war and of the camp were at the same 
time finished orators such as Metellus, Licinius Crassus, 
Antony, Pompey, Caesar, and Brutus. As late as the civil 
wars oratory preserved its practical character ; then the 
dialectic of the Greeks, which penetrated into the world, 
transformed literature and rhetoric. The art of oratory was 
now fashioned after Greek models. Cicero was its first 

The stream of political passions became stagnant in the 
monarchy, which deprived speech of freedom, and even of 
the dignity of resistance. What were now the Causae cen- 
tumvirales^ the private cases in comparison with those 
historical state trials of the republic ? " I do not know " 
said Messala, " if those old writings have come into your 
hands, which repose in the libraries of our predecessors ; 
they show that Pompey and Crassus became great not simply 
by force of arms but by their eloquence, that the Lentuli 
and Metelli, the Luculli and Curiones, and other great men, 
have devoted much attention to these studies, and that no 
one of that time attained to power without the gift of oratory. 
The brilliancy and the importance of the subjects by which 

254 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

eloquence is enhanced are also to be considered. For it 
makes a g^reat difference whether the subject of the speech is 
a theft, or a point of law, or an interdict, or whether it con- 
cerns the canvassing of the comitia, the oppression of the 
allies, and the murder of citizens." ^ 

The Romans of the empire lamented the loss of their 
proudest national possession, for Rome had no longer any- 
thing, as in the days of Cicero, to oppose to the arrogance of 
Greece. "All the intellects," said Seneca, "which shed light 
upon our studies were born at that time. Afterwards the art 
of oratory decayed, either from the corruption of the times, 
or because ambition aimed afterwards at lower things, such 
as office and money. The minds of the idle youth are ener- 
vated ; no one any longer passes wakeful nights in toil over 
an honourable occupation. The dishonourable study of song 
and dance makes the mind effeminate, and the anxiety to be 
distinguished in unclean vices is stamped on the young men."' 

The spirited dialogue of Tacitus upon rhetoricians attri- 
butes the decay of eloquence since the foundation of the 
monarchy to a false system of training in oratory. Formerly 
young men learnt the art of oratory publicly in courts and 
assemblies, and according to the custom of the republic they 
earned their spurs in the impeachments of great men. The 
brilliant speeches of Crassus when nineteen against Caius 
Carbo, of Caesar when twenty-one against Dolabella, of 
Asinius PoUio when twenty-two against Caius Cato, are 
notable instances. But now young men attend the theatre 
of so-called rhetoricians, who teach them to ruin their intel- 
lect by senseless exercises and contemptible tricks. 

Petronius in the Satyrican has described this rhetorical 
education with masterly touches. In his opinion the young 
men are only made stupid by the host of idle things and 
sentences they are taught, so that when they come to the 
Forum they feel themselves transplanted to another world.* 

* De orator e dudogusy c. 37. 

* Seneca, Controv. i. proocni. 

* This passage is elucidated by the introduction (proemium) to the 4th 
book of Seneca's Controversies^ where we are told that an orator, Latro 
Porcius, was on one occasion so disconcerted in the Forum that he asked 
the judges to let him go to a basilica. 

CHAP, x] Roman Orators 255 

They hear nothing practical in the schools, only of pirates 
loaded with chains, of tyrants who command sons to cut off 
their father's heads, and of decrees against the plague which 
order that three or more young women should be sacrificed. 
Finally, every speech and action is steeped in honey, and 
encrusted with opium and sesame. " Recently," says Petronius, 
"this windy garrulity came from Asia to Athens, and breathed 
upon the spirits of our youths with a pestilential breath. 
Who afterwards could rise to the eminence of Thucydidcs, 
who to the fame of Hyperides? A vigorous poem could 
never be written, but everything was after the same pattern, 
and was not likely to last. It was the same with the art 
of painting, which decayed after the Egyptians ventured to 
invent a traditional style for so great an art." ^ 

Not only form and matter, but the two kinds of scholastic 
oratory, the persuasive {suasoriae\ and the controversial 
{contrmfersiae), had been imported into Rome from Greece.* 
Exercises such as the following were given : Alexander 
takes advice whether he should march into Babylon, as 
the augur prophesied evil if he did ; the Athenians consult 
whether they should remove the Persian trophies, as Xerxes 
threatens to return if this is not done; Agamemnon deliberates . 
whether he should sacrifice Iphigenia, as Calchas foretells 
that unless this is done the Greeks cannot depart Then 
there were controversies which resembled those sophistic 
quibbles that served to while away the time in learned 
society and at the banquets of the rich. They were schools 
for advocates and pettifoggers, as well as for the man of 
polished good breeding. 

The education of the incipient orator until he reached 
perfection, seems as pedantic as these gymnastics of the 
intellect were senseless. Quintilian has spoken plainly 
about it in his discourses on oratory. There are precepts 
borrowed from the dramatic art about the use of the emotions 
by which the judges were to be moved, about declamation 
and modulation of the voice, about gestures and pantomime, 
and the artistic use of the limbs. The eyes should now be 

' Petronius, Satyricon^ c. 2. 

* On the schools of oratory : Fricdlacndcr, iii. 343 sq. Grasberger, 
Ertiehung und Unterricht im class, Alitrthum, Wu 353-39a 

256 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

fixed, now dim, now moving, here sparkling with delight, 
there blinking, and so to say leering (venerii). For only a 
simpleton will keep the eyes quite open or quite shut Then 
follow rules upon the rhetorical use of the lips, chin, throat, 
neck, and shoulders, and minute directions about the play of 
the hands. For instance, does it not make a splendid effect 
when the hands are wrung at that declamation of Gracchus : 
** Whither shall I most miserable flee ? Whither shall I 
turn ? To the Capitol ? Ah 1 it trickles with my brother's 
blood. To my own house? Perchance, to see my unhappy 
mother sorrowing, and falling into a swoon ? " 

It would be a mistake, however, on account of this schol- 
astic pedantry, to undervalue the importance of oratory in 
the world at that time. It trained the best intellects, and 
aroused the interest of society in literature and art. Even in 
its decay it was an ornament to life, and so much of a necessity 
to the nature of the southern people, that among the Italians 
of a later age, rhetoric revived with the renaissance of ancient 
literature. In the empire it took the place of the drama and 
the press. All the Caesars went through its schools, not 
only because it adorned despotisni with fine phrases, but 
because it was generally indispensable to a liberal education. 

Vespasian appointed the first public teachers of oratory in 
both languages in Rome, and the provinces afterwards be- 
stirred themselves to attract celebrated rhetoricians. But no 
emperor promoted the art of oratory as much as Hadrian, 
who had himself an excellent knowledge of rhetoric.^ In his 
time several Roman orators flourished, such as Calpumius J 
Flaccus, Antonius Julianus, the master of Gellius, Castricius 
and Celer.^ 

But the most famous orator of all was Cornelius Fronto, an 
Italian, born however at Cirta, in Numidia, at the beginning 
of the second century. He studied in Alexandria, and shone 
as a forensic speaker in Rome in the time of Hadrian, who 
made him a senator. Fronto says on one occasion in a 
letter to Marcus Aurelius, that he had often praised his 

^ Philostratus {Lotltan^ vol. ii., p. 42) means this when he says of him : 

* Speeches of Calpurnius Flaccus delivered in school are in existence. 
Teuffel, 351. 

ciiAi\ x| Cornelius Fronto 257 

grandfather by adoption in the senate, that he had honoured 
him greatly, but did not love him, as love implies confidence 
and familiarity.* Dion calls him the first advocate in Rome.* 
He became so rich by his industry, that he bought the 
gardens of his patron, and built baths. After he had been 
consul for two months in 143 A.D., he refused the trouble- 
some honour of proconsul of Asia. He found himself in the 
same relation as Seneca to the future emperor. But if to 
Seneca it proved a curse that Nero had been his pupil, it 
became a blessing and a source of lasting fame to Fronto 
that he had been the teacher of the noblest of all rulers, 
Marcus Aurelius. This emperor repaid the care of his master 
with a touching affection, and Fronto had nothing to complain 
of in his illustrious pupil, except that he deserted rhetoric for 
philosophy. Their correspondence is the monument of an 
interesting friendship. It shows us the character of Fronto, 
who, though self-satisfied and subject to many weaknesses 
which were fostered by his calling as an orator, and by 
his position as tutor to a prince, was, notwithstanding, 
possessed of many honourable traits of genuine humanity.* 
From many letters and discourses, as, for instance, from 
the Alsiensian Holidays^ in which he exhorts his pupil 
to a keener enjoyment of life, we may perceive that Fronto 
at the bottom was no dry pedant. Toward Lucius Verus, 
who was his second pupil, he does not always appear sincere; 
he flattered Verus, but Marcus Aurelius considered himself 
fortunate in having learnt from his master to be truthful.* 

About 160 A.D. Fronto was at the zenith of his fame; he 
died about 175 A.D.* 

' Fronto, ad. Af. Caesar^ ii. 4 : Divom Hadrianura avom tuum laudavi 
in senatu saepenumero studio impenso et propenso quoque. 

• Dion, Ixix. 18 : ^ rk wpQra riaif rirt 'Vnfialutf 4p SiKott ^p6fU99t, Orator 
nobilissimus, as Eutropius, viii. 12, calls him. 

• Sec his letter, *De nepote amisso,' wherein he ventured to attribute to 
himself the * integer vitae scelerisque purus.' 

**QuoH verum dicere ex te disco.' — In Fronto^ iii. 12,111. 18, Aurelius 
writes that he is grateful to him, 'quom cotidie non desinis in viam me 
veratn inducere, et oculos mihi aperire.' His praise in the Meditations^ i. 1 1. 

• Hcmhnrdy, Grundriss der rbm. Liter, 5 Auflage, p. 839 ; TeuflTel, 355. 

On Fronto's cursus honorum before his consulate : Renier, Inscr, Rom, de 

lAlgMfy 2717. 


258 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

As an author he must be considered the pedantic advo- 
cate of antiquarianism in Latin literature. If Quintilian 
took Cicero as a model, Fronto kept to the style of Cato, 
Ennius, Plautus, and Sallust He would have nothing to 
do with the art of Greek orators, but he imitated the style 
of the oldest Romans. For this he was admired by Gellius. 
It was the age of philological enthusiasm for antiquated 
forms of speech, which made both style and language ab- 
surdly distorted, obscure, and unmusical, and only proved the 
inevitable decay of literature. The writings of Fronto, among 
which there are fragments of a treatise against the Christians 
and of his history of the Parthian war, were first discovered, 
though in a very imperfect condition, by Angelo Mai in the 
Ambrosian Library and in the Vatican.* They were at first 
welcomed with enthusiasm, as unexpected remains of anti- 
quity, and were even over-estimated.* Then they were 
under-valued and neglected.* Fronto's material is often 
very trivial as merely a subject for rhetorical exercises. 
Among them is to be found a praise of indolence, of smoke, 
and of dust. But one must be a Swift to be able to talk 
intellectually about a broomstick. Fronto's correspondence 
with the Aptonines is most important as an historical docu- 
ment descriptive of the culture of the age. Yet it displays 

^Editions by Angelo Mai, Milan, 1815; Herlin, 1816 (by Nicbuhr) ; 
Rome, by A. Mai, 1823, 1846. Minucius Felix refers lo his attack upon 
the Christians, OctaviuSy c. 30. 

*The discovery of Fronto by Angelo Mai was greeted with special 
warmth by Giacomo Leopardt. After the discovery of the books of Ciceip's 
De Republican the poet addressed to Mai the famous ode Italo ardiio. See 
on the discovery of Fronto the jubilee pamphlet of Ateneo di Bergamo : 
Nel prima Centenario di Angelo Maiy Memorie e Docununliy by Bene- 
detto Prina, 1882. 

' Fronto is one of the best examples of the abuse of the art of oratory 
and of the degradation of language. For Fronto see Roth, Bemerkungen 
iiberdie Schriften des M, Cornel. Fronio^ 18 17. Bemhardy, p. 840, calls 
him a witness to the impoverished literature of the second century. Martin 
Herz has drawn an unfavourable picture of him in Renaissatue and Rococo 
in der r6m. Literatur, Macrobius, Saturnalia^ v. i : quatuor sunt, inquit 
Eusebius, genera dicendi : copiosum, in quo Cicero dominatur : breve, 
in quo Sallustius regnat, siccum quod Frontoni adscribitur ; pingue et 
floridum, in quo Plinius secundus. . . . 

CHAP, x] Quintilian 259 

but a mediocre intellect, the product of an age devoid both 
of thought and action. Fronto wrote, too, some letters in 
Greek and an Erotictis. 

Roman oratory did not produce any classic literature after 
the time of Cicero. Quintilian himself in his work, De in- 
stitutione oratoria^ only set up a standard text-book for the 
acquisition of the art of rhetoric. While in Rome rhetoric 
was always directed to practical and forensic oratory, Greek 
rhetoric was a free art of polite letters and of literature. 


Greek Sophistry. Favorinus. Dionysius of Afiietus. 
Po lemon. Her odes Atticus and other Sophists 

The sophistry of the second century was a wonderful dis- 
play of the activity of the Greek intellect. It lasted, with 
many fluctuations, until the time of Justinian, and Neopla- 
tonism, a product of the Renaissance of Platonic philosophy 
in its relation to Christianity, continued to exist by its side, 
and expired with it 

While the Roman national intellect after the golden age 
of its poets and prose writers was becoming exhausted, the 
Hellenes filled a gap in the literature of the world, for the 
ever-oscillating scale between the Greek and Latin genius in 
the empire inclined again to them. Sympathy for Hellas 
had greatly increased at the imperial court since the time of 
Claudius and Nero. Even a Domitian was fond of the Greek 
character. He organized the contests at the Capitol after the 
pattern of the Olympian games, presiding over them him- 
self in Greek garb, his head adorned with a golden wreath. 
In the reign of Nerva, Dion Chrysostom, grandfather of 
the historian Dion Cassius, heralded the revival of Greek 
oratory ; but its victory was decided by the Philhellene 
Hadrian. Sophistry owed a new life to him, and a second 
era of Greek eloquence arose from the study of ancient 
literature. Although tainted with the spirit of an age poor 
in great subjects and ideas, oratory yet attained such elegance 
and mastery of form and expression that the world at the 
time was charmed. Though these declamations upon mytho- 
logical subjects and historical events of the Greek past seem 

BK. II. CH. xi] Greek Sophistry 261 

trivial to us now, the literature of the sophists is always a 
reflection of the cosmopolitan culture of the Roman empire. 
It seemed, indeed, so important to that age that it found a 
historian in Philostratus. 

As the Greek school of sophists was the pattern for Latin 
rhetoric, what is said of one applies to both. The times of 
Pisistratus, Solon, and Pericles, of Philip, and Demosthenes, 
Homer, and the poets, and, above all, the Attic orators, 
afforded the material. The main point was to cultivate the 
art of dramatic expression, and the greatest accomplish- 
ment, to be able to improvise readily at the moment. For 
this they not only studied the ancients but nature as well. 
Herodes Atticus had learnt the art, so says Philostratus, of 
touching the heart, not only from the tragic poets but from 
life. Marcus of Byzantium compared the versatility of 
sophistry to the play of colours in the rainbow, and Philos- 
tratus could not better describe its difficulty than by the 
remark he made upon the fifty-six years of its life after the 
death of Polcmon. At this time he said, age would begin in 
other sciences, but the sophist is still a youth, for the older 
he grows the more he improves. 

We cannot find fault with the sophists if they glorified 
eloquence as the finest flower of the human intellect, for they 
lived upon its fruit ; but a large part of the cultivated world 
also considered it the essence of all intellectual perfection. 
When even a Roman orator carried away his audience, we 
may imagine the enthusiasm which a Greek excited among 
Greeks, as often as he caused the music of a language to be 
heard which was still the language of the world, and para- 
mount even in Rome. The Greeks, we may suppose, alone 
knew and enjoyed the virtuoso's feeling for eloquence as 
a fine art Their delicate ear could alone appreciate the 
melody of metre like the sound of a lyre and a flute. 
Polemon was in the habit of laughing after delivering long 
sentences, in order to show how little he was fatigued. It 
was all artificial, but it passed for art. 

Sophistry was so greatly admired by the world that its 
acquisition was preferred to the highest dignities. The name 
of sophist, and the pleasure of being allowed to declaim, was 
bought at a great price. Philostratus speaks of a rich young 

262 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

man who allowed himself to be praised as a reciter by his 
parasites, remitting even the interest to his debtors if they 
attended his lectures. Polemon, too, had borrowed money 
from him, but disdained to listen to him often. The young 
orator accordingly threatened him with an action for debt 
Polemon determined to gratify his vanity, but, unable to 
endure his prattle, he exclaimed, "Varus, you had better 
bring your action." The sophists had their own claqueurs ; 
Aristides especially asked Marcus Aurelius, who wished to 
hear him, that his friends might be allowed to applaud.^ 

The rhetoricians travelled about like players, and gave 
performances. If they were famous the cities celebrated 
their arrival with festivals. They often bestowed civic 
rights upon them, erected statues to them, gave them a 
voice in their most important affairs, and made use of them 
as ambassadors to the emperor. In this way Marcus the 
rhetorician, obtained the favour of Hadrian as ambassador 
from the Byzantines. Cities like Smyrna and Pergamum 
certainly owed fresh splendour to the sophists. The desire 
for fame, and the vanity of these sophists found sufficient 
food in the theatrical character, and the poor achievements 
of the Hellenic world of the time, which was in the habit 
of raising monuments to mediocrity, and to all tliat was 
dazzling, bewildering, and ostentatious. Patriotism, however, 
explains the power of the rhetoricians, particularly among 
the Hellenes. For they recalled to the Greeks the fame of 
their name, the deeds of their ancestors, and the treasures of 
their literature, which they pretended survived in their own 
productions. Even if the influence which Philostratus 
says that Apollonius had upon Vespasian is exaggerated, 
it is still a fact that the Roman emperors recc^nized 
sophistry as a power.* They paid homage to it as it repre- 
sented the intellectual life of the Hellenes, and with it they 
were obliged to come to terms, if they wished to be in the 
forefront of their epoch. They were also very anxious to be 
recognized by the Hellenism of the East as the successors of 
Alexander, and with Olympian trumpets the sophists freely 
sounded its praise. Even a Pliny did not extol the universal 

^ Philostratus, Vita Soph, AristideSy vol. ii. 88. 
'Philostratus, Vita Apoiian, v., c. 31. 

CHAP. XI] Favorinus 263 

greatness of Rome with such enthusiasm as the Greek orators 
of the age of the Antonines.* 

The chief seats of sophistry were Smyrna and Athens, 
Ephesus and Pergamum, then Antioch, Berytus, and other 
Phoenician cities. From Prusa, in Bithynia, came the leader 
of this new school of oratory, Dion Chrysostom, who was 
born in the middle of the first century, and was still famous 
in the time of Trajan. In the age of the Antonines, 
sophistry reached its height The number of these 
rhetoricians is legion. Hadrian himself is to be counted 
among them. His speeches and discourses were collected 
and read, and Photius has bestowed moderate praise upon 
them ; but none of them exist' 

It is strange that one of the most famous Greek sophists 
of this time was a Gaul. This was Favorinus, from Arelate. 
At least Philostratus placed him in this class, although he 
was really a Platonic philosopher, and was always described 
as such by his pupil Gcllius.' Favorinus was a man of 
great experience and calm judgment, if Gellius is not carried 
away by affection in describing him.* Philostratus main- 
tained that he was an hermaphrodite, without beard and 
with the voice of a eunuch, and yet so fond of women that 
he was accused before a consul, of adultery. His Greek 
education must have made him particularly sympathetic to 
the emperor Hadrian. Spartianus mentions him especially 
among the learned men of Hadrian's court That he was a 
trained courtier may be seen from the following anecdote : 
One day Hadrian set him right on a scientific question, 
and Favorinus at once gave way. When friends blamed 
him, he answered : " Let me always believe that he is 

' On the sophists in genera! : Lud. Cresollius, Theatr, veter, rhetor, i., 
c 8 ; A. Westcrmann, Gesch, der griech, Beredsamkeit^ p. 198 sq. Pas- 
sages in question in Friedlaender. 

* Photius, 100 : McX^roc dca^6pcu— €/f rh /tdrpio^ drify/tdptu nil odic dii9tU, Of 
his sermons and orations, Charisius, Ari. Gramm. ii. 129, 240. 

•Gellius, i. 3; x. 13 ; xvii. 12. 

* Gellius, iv. 1 : Sic Favorinus sermones in genus commune a rebus 
parvis et frigidis abducebat ad ea, quae esset magis utile audire ac 
discere, non allata extrinsecus, non per ostentationem, sed indidem nata 
acreptaque — xvi. 1. 

264 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

the' wisest man in the world who commands thirty 

It is surely nothing more than a fable that the fame of 
Favorinus aroused the jealousy of the emperor, so that he 
endeavoured to supplant him by promoting his adversaries. 
But he seems to have really fallen into Hadrian's disfavour 
without however being ruined. He could point to three 
things as the greatest marvels in his life : though a Gaul, 
he was a Hellene, though a eunuch, he was accused of 
adultery, and though he had the emperor for an enemy, 
he yet remained alive.^ The Athenians are said to have 
thrown down the bronze statue which they had erected to 
him, in the belief that Hadrian was his implacable enemy, 
and even then he knew how to console himself In spite of 
the harmony of his studies with those of the emperor, 
he did not share his predilection for antiquarian literature, 
nor his mystical disposition. This is proved by the dis- 
course which he delivered in Rome against astrologers.^ 
It may have offended the emperor, who would besides 
have been annoyed by the arrogance of Favorinus. How- 
ever ridiculous the vanity of such sophists may have 
appeared, it must, nevertheless, be admitted that they, like 
the Cynics, knew how to maintain the dignity of intellect, 
even before the imperial throne. 

Favorinus was not friendly with Polemon. Ephesus took 
the part of Favorinus, Smyrna that of Polemon. Literary 
quarrels were as rife then as in the scholastic Middle Ages, 
and in the time of Poggio and Valla, when the literary 
activity of antiquity was imitated. Philostratus concluded 
from this quarrel that Favorinus was a sophist, as jealousy 
only occurs in members of the same profession. Favorinus 
got on better with his pupil Herodes Atticus, to whom he 
left his books, his house in Rome, and his black Indian 
slaves. He was also friendly with Plutarch, who dedicated 
his treatise on the principle of cold to him, and he valued 
the celebrated Dion Chrysostom as his especial teacher. 

Favorinus, one of the versatile men of his time, had great 

* Philostratus, Favorinus at the beginning : Vakdrrii Cfp i\\rii>l(ieiy, ciVoi^xo* 
'Gellius, xiv. i. 

CHAP, xil Dionysius of Miletus 265 

fertility in production, and in that respect he was like 
Plutarch. But only a few fragments of his writings have 
been preserved. Ten books of pyrrhonian tropes were con- 
sidered his best work. Gellius praises his elegant Greek, 
whose charm was not to be attained in a Latin discourse ; 
and Philostratus, his fascinating utterance, his speaking eye, 
and the melody of his words, " for even those who did not 
understand Greek listened to him with pleasure; he enthralled 
them by the sound of the language which appeared like a 
song to them." ^ 

Dionysius of Miletus, a pupil of the Assyrian Isaeus, shone 
also among the rhetoricians. Hadrian gave him a post in 
the Museum at Alexandria, made him a knight, and even 
governor of a province.* The assertion therefore that the 
emperor wished to ruin this sophist too, out of envy seems 
incredible. Dionysius, full of self-reliance, said once to 
Heliodorus, Hadrian's private secretary : " The emperor can 
make you rich, but he cannot make you a sophist"' He 
travelled about in many cities, and had a school for oratory 
in Lesbos. He died at Ephesus, where he was buried on 
the finest site of the city, a monument being raised in his 
honour. As he was older than Polemon, the talent of the 
young rhetorician made him uneasy. He once heard him in 
Sardis, where Polcmon had come from Smyrna to plead in 
an action, but he was wary enough not to jeopardize his own 
fame by accepting the challenge which Polemon offered him. 
Dionysius is said to have been distinguished for his unaffected 
style in the delivery of his lectures. He imparted his rare 
memory as a mnemonic art to his pupils, from which those 
who were envious of him maintained that he accomplished 
such results by the aid of Chaldean magic. Philostratus 
remarks about this : "There are no artificial aids to memory, 
nor ever will be. Memory indeed teaches the arts, but is 
not itself to be taught by any art, as it is a gift of nature, 
and a part of the immortal soul." * Memory is the queen of 
all things, according to Sophocles. 

' Philostr. vol. ii. 1 1. 

•So at least Philostratus maintains, ii. 37: earpdwip fih «^6r dW^ifvcr 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3. * Philostratus, vol. ii., p. 56. 

266 The Emperor Hadrian [book if 

Other famous sophists of that time were Alexander of 
Troas, Scopelianus, Sabinus, Asclepius of Byblus, Lollianus of 
Ephesus, and Marcus of Byzantium. Lollian was the glory 
of Athens, where he first filled the chair of oratory. Philos- 
tratus calls him an upright and well-disposed man. He 
became rich by his teaching of the theory and practice of 
oratory. The senate at Athens erected a statue in his 

All the sophists of this age were outshone by Polemon 
and Herodes Atticus. They were not only the recognized 
masters of their art, but they lived like princes in the posses- 
sion of great riches, and were honoured by their age as 

Polemon, of a consular family in Carian Laodicea, was 
the head of the Ionian school, and the pride of Smyrna. 
As he attracted thousands of pupils, he acquired such im- 
portance that he ruled the city. He made peace among 
factions, controlled the government, endeavoured to restrain 
luxury, and to restore the feeling of independence to the 
citizens by not bringing their disputes before the pro- 
consul, but by having them settled at home. Such civic 
activity was the finest side in the life of the famous sophists. 
They could be justices of the peace, patrons, and advocates 
for their cities before the emperors. Polemon understood so 
well how to win the favour of Hadrian for Smyrna, that on 
one occasion the emperor gave the city ten million sesterces, 
with which the citizens built warehouses, a temple, and the 
most splendid gymnasium in the whole of Asia.^ it was no 
wonder that the sophist was rewarded with great honours. 
Among other dignities, Smyrna bestowed upon him and 
his posterity the right of presiding at the Olympian games, 
and the command of the sacred ship of Dionysus. 

Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines honoured Polemon 
in every way. He often came as ambassador from Smyrna 
to Rome. Hadrian appointed him to make the speech at 
the dedication of the Olympieum in Athens. What finer 
occasion than this for making a speech could a sophist desire I 
Unfortunately this splendid oration has been lost. Philos- 

^ Inscription in Spon, Itin. ii., p. 336. 
' Fhilostratus, ii. 43. 

CHAP. XI] Polemon 267 

tratus says that he spoke wonderfully. Polemon lived in 
great style. On his journeys he took with him costly fur- 
niture, horses, slaves and dogs, and he sat like a Mark 
Antony on a richly adorned carriage. It must have been a 
brilliant and luxurious world at that time, if a single sophist 
could appear in such state. Philostratus says the same 
thing of the Tyrian Hadrian, and of Herodes Atticus. 
Polemon he says, rose to such greatness, that he conversed 
with cities as their sovereign, and with princes and gods as 
their equal. When once the proconsul of Asia, who was 
afterwards the emperor Antoninus Pius, took up his quarters 
in the house of the absent sophist without ceremony, Polemon, 
returning home at night, turned out the uninvited guest, and 
the Roman proconsul submitted. So even in those days 
talent asserted itself in the presence of the ruler. Polemon's 
quarrelsome temper has been mentioned before. He did not 
attack all sophists who were of equal reputation, at all events, 
neither Scopelianus nor Herodes Atticus. The latter was 
his genuine admirer ; when the people once called out that 
he was the second Demosthenes, he made answer : " I am 
the second Phrygian" (Polemon). It is to this great reverence 
that Philostratus ascribes the fact of Herodes leaving Smyrna 
secretly in the night, in order not to be forced into a contest 
with him. 

Polemon was a great extempore speaker. His delivery is 
described as glowing, powerful, and as full of sound as a 
trumpet. He was called the Olympian trumpet. His 
thoughts appeared to his hearers as lofty as those of Demos- 
thenes, and as inspired as the utterances from the tripod. The 
pomp and verbosity of the Ionian school seem not to have 
been foreign to his style. Philostratus indeed was obliged to 
defend him against those who accused him of flowery speaking 
and over-nicety. At one time Marcus Aurelius writes to 
Pronto, " I have been hearing Polemon declaim for three days. 
If you ask me what I think of him, I must say that he seems 
to me like a very active and earnest farmer, who on his large 
estate only grows com and vines, whereby he obtains the 
finest and most luscious fruit. But on this land there are no 
fig-trees from Pompeii, no vegetables from Aricia, no roses 
from Tarentum, no pleasant groves, or thick woods, or shady 

268 The Emperor Hadrian [book u 

plane-trees. Everything is calculated more for use than 
pleasure, more to be praised than to be loved. But I must 
not be hasty and presumptuous in a rash judgment, which I 
give upon a man of such fame." ^ We are obliged to accept 
this critical opinion as authoritative, as we possess nothing 
of Polemon except two funeral orations upon the heroes 
Cynegirus and Antimachus, who fell at Marathon.* He died 
in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, about 153 A.D., at the 
age of fifty-six years, from voluntary starvation, as an incur- 
able illness made him despair of carrying on the practice of 
his beloved art. 

Still more attractive and more instructive is the figure 
of Herodes Atticus, the famous benefactor of the city of 
Athens, which received as much glory from this one man as 
from its great benefactor on the throne of the Caesars. This 
fortunate man united, in a rare combination, the riches of 
Croesus with as many gifts of the Attic muses as his time 
could appreciate. 

He was born at the beginning of the second century in 
the famous Marathon,' and claimed to be descended from 
the Aeacidae. Polemon, Favorinus, Scopelianus, and the 
Athenian sophist Secundus, were his teachers, and Taurus 
the Tyrian introduced him to the philosophy of Plato. 
Herodes soon seemed to eclipse all his contemporaries. His 
memory too has lasted longer than theirs ; but this superiority 
he owes less to his ability, than to the liberal use he made of 
his fortune. His father Atticus, had found a treasure in one 
of his houses near the theatre at Athens, which the generous 
Nerva allowed him to keep. This good luck, and the fortune 
of his mother, made Herodes more than rich. But he under- 

^ Fronto, Epistolar. ii. 8, p. 40 : cum de tantae gloriae viro existimo ? 

* 'Es-ird^roc X6701 — Laudatiotus duae futtebres^ ed. Orelli, 1819; Dccla- 
mationes quae extant duae^ rec. Hink, Lips. 1873. 

' His birth seems to have taken place either in 95 a.d. or loi A.D., 
according to Philostratus, Vit. Herod, c. 14, where his first meeting with 
Hadrian in Pannonia is mentioned, and this Olearius (in Vita Herodis) 
believes to have happened in 119 a.d. Franz (C.I.G. ill., p. 922^,925) 
assumes this as correct. Herodes would then have been twenty-five 
years old, while Heyse assumes eighteen years. Keil, in Pauly's Real, 
Lexicon Artik, Herodes Att.^ takes 101 A.D. for the year of his birth. But 
none of these calculations are certain. 

CHAP. XI] Herodes Atticus ' 269 

stood how to spend his money in the most magnificent 

He was a young man when he appeared before Hadrian 
in Pannonia, but he did not succeed in the speech which 4ie 
delivered. He approached the emperor for the first time in 
Athens in the winter of 125-126 A.D., and after that he 
began to be famous. Hadrian then made him overseer of the 
free cities of Asia, in which office he displayed great liberality. 
He loved fame above everything, for he scarcely undertook 
his buildings simply from motives of benevolence or from 
enthusiasm for art. His most ardent wish was to cut 
through the Isthmus of Corinth. The necessity of uniting 
both the seas of Greece by a navigable canal had long been 
felt, and Nero, during his stay in Corinth, had not only drawn 
a plan for it, but had begun the work.* The traces of the 
cutting by Nero are still to be seen in the narrowest part of 
the isthmus, where the ancient Diolkos used to stand, and 
the engineers of the present day have followed these traces. 
It was Nero's own capricious inconstancy, and his sudden re- 
turn to Rome, which induced him to abandon the enterprise.* 
The science or the superstition of the time is therefore not to 
be blamed. None of the emperors after Nero thought of it 
again. But Herodes was the first to whom the idea occurred^ 
and it does no little honour to the noble mind of the sophfst 
The account of Philostratus is doubly interesting to-day, 
when after the lapse of centuries, the canal has been com- 
pleted. As Herodes was journeying one day to Corinth with 
the Athenian Ctesidemus he said, on reaching the isthmus^ 
" I have been trying for a long time to leave a monument to 
posterity, which shall convince mankind that I have really 
lived, but I despair of ever attaining such fame." His com- 
panion remarked that the fame of his discourses, and of his 
architectural works, would never be equalled by anyone, but 
Herodes answered : " My works are perishable, and time will 

^ Suetonius, NerOy c 19 : Dion Cassius, Ixiii. 16. 

' Lucian, Nero^ c. 4. Egyptian geometers asserted that the water-level 
of the two seas was not alike, and that therefore, after the cutting of the 
isthmus, the island of Aegina would always be in danger of being flooded. 
This opinion, however, was only a pretence, for it was in fact the rebellion 
of Vindex which called Nero away from Greece. 

2/0 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

destroy them ; my discourses too will be found fault with, 
first by one and then by another, but the cutting through 
the isthmus would be an immortal and almost superhuman 
work ; yet it seems to me that to pierce through the isthmus 
is the work more of Poseidon than of a mortal."* 

This opinion of Herodes shows that the technical difficulties 
of the undertaking were still considered very great Pau- 
sanias relates that the Pythia had advised the people of 
Cnidus to pierce through their isthmus, and remarks : ** It is 
difficult for men to offer violence to the gods." * Herodes 
Atticus would have been just the right man, in spite of 
Poseidon, to undertake cutting through the Isthmus of 
Corinth ; only, as Philostratus asserts, he had not the courage 
to beg permission from the emperor to do it, as he was 
afraid of being blamed as presumptuous, if he undertook a 
work which the talent of Nero had not been able to cany 
out.^ The relinquishment of this project for the canal will 
scarcely have troubled Herodes less than the fact that not he, 
but Polemon, delivered the Olympian inaugural address. In 
Athens, however, he filled the office for life of high-priest of 
the emperor-worship.* He was also Archon Eponymus.* 
There must have been a spark of divinity in the private 
individual who scattered millions like Hadrian, who erected 
buildings and delivered lectures like Pericles in Athens, who 
adorned many other cities with magnificent works, and who 
was honoured by them, not merely for his wealth but for his 
talent. But the son of this demi-god did not know his 
letters ; his father had twenty-four boys brought up with him, 
to each of whom a letter of the alphabet was given as a 
name, but it was of no avail. To display his sorrow at the 

' 'H d^ ToO *lff$fjLoO rofiii tpyw dOdifarw xeU dwiOToifiepw rj ^Oati^ 6ok€i ydp ftoi 
r6 ^cu r6p 'laOfidif Uoatidu^ot 5€ia0€u 1j dp9p6t, — Philostr. ii. 60. 

■ Olhuf xaXer^ dpOptltwi^ tA ^cZa ^daaffSai. — Pausanias, Corinth, ii. I, 5. 

' 0(tK i0dpfi€i di a&rb alrfip ix paaikiun, ut fiii diap\rf0€lrf diapolat ioKtap irrtaBai, 
i firidi ^ipuw ijpKtaep. — Philostratus, «/ supra. 

^C,I.A, iii., n. 478, 664, 665, 735, 11 32. 

* CI. A, iii., n. 735, 736, and 69^. Vidal-Lablache (H^ode Atticus^ p. 34) 
assumes for this the year 135 A.D., but Dittenberger, " Die attische Pana- 
thenaiden-era'' {Comment. Mommsen, p. 252), the year 127-128 A.D. He 
probably became archon after his return from the office of corrector of 
the free cities of Asia (Keil). 

CHAP. XI] Herodes Atticus 271 

death of his wife, the rich Roman lady, Appia Annia Regilla, 
Herodes had his house painted black, and darkened with 
black Lesbian marble, for which, as well as for many other 
theatrical representations of his grief, he drew upon himself 
the mockery of Lucian.^ If this was fantastic folly, the 
flattery of the Athenians in striking out of their calendar the 
day on which Panathenais, one of the daughters of Herodes, 
died, was still more absurd. These Greeks carried the worship 
of genius so far that they actually imitated the voice, the 
walk, and the dress of a sophist who was dead, as in the 
case of Hadrian of Tyre.* 

Herodes is said not to have lived on good terms with the 
wife whom he mourned so ostentatiously, and his enemies 
even accused him of having employed a slave to murder her. 
Philostratus dismisses this accusation with the other, that 
Herodes, when he was overseer of the free cities in Asia, 
actually quarrelled with the proconsul there, Antoninus who 
was afterwards emperor ; but it may be gathered from similar 
anecdotes how great the pride, the quarrelsomeness and bad 
temper of the man must have been. The sophists of that 
age very nearly succeeded in becoming tyrants in the cities. 
In other times a citizen with such command of the money 
market as Herodes, would have made himself master in the 
republic of Athens, and would have founded a dynasty, as in 
later aj»cs the banker Cosmo de Medici succeeded in doing 
in Florence. The crowd of his slaves, servants, officers and 
clients would have composed an army, and his freedmen 
outraged the Athenian people, in whom the democratic spirit 
still survived, by their insolent behaviour. The Athenians 
could at last no longer endure the imperious conduct of 
their benefactor. A party was formed against him, as in 
earlier times one had been formed against Pisistratus. The 
party was led by the two Quintilians, who were the governors 
of Greece. The brothers Condianus and Maximus Quin- 
tilius, Ilians by birth, were celebrated for their intellect, their 
wealth, and their love for one another ; for with perfect 
unanimity they filled together the highest offices. Marcus 
Aurelius treated them with the greatest respect (Commodus 
afterwards had them put to death.) The Athenians now 

' Lucian, Demonax^ 24, 25, 23. * Philostratus, ii. 10. 

2/2 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. n. ch. xi 

b^ged these brothers to appear for them against Herodes 
before Marcus Aurelius, and they brought an action against 
him in i68 A.D. for his high-handed conduct in the aflairs 
of the city, and for the excesses of his slaves. Herodes 
and his adversaries, among whom was the sophist Theodotus, 
placed themselves before the judgment-seat at Sirmium. 
The dispute really caused the downfall of the sophists from 
their position in Athens, but it did not end so much to the 
disadvantage of the accused that the emperor withdrew his 
favour from him.^ Embittered, and at variance with Athens, 
the aged Herodes withdrew to his villas at Cephisia and 
Marathon, and here he died about 177 A.D. The Ephebi 
of Athens carried away his corpse by force, and buried 
it with great honour in the Panathenaean stadium, which 
he himself had magnificently adorned. His pupil, Hadrian 
of Tyre, pronounced his funeral oration. The Athenians 
inscribed on his monument : " Here lies Herodes of Mara- 
thon, son of Atticus, honoured by the whole world, and 
builder of this place."* 

The writings of Herodes are lost. His Ephetnerides is 
said to have been a clever work. Philostratus remarks that 
he imitated Critias in his manner of speaking, that it was less 
convincing than insinuating, and that it flowed as smoothly 
as a stream of silver on which sparkled grains of gold. 

> Philostratus has given a detailed account of this. See also Hertzberg, 

ii. 399 sq. 
* Philostratus, ii. 73. 


Polite Literature. Hadrian as Poet. Florus. Latin 
Poets, Greek Poets. Pancrates. Mesomedes. The 
Musician Dionysius of Halicamassus. Greek Epi- 
grams of Hadrian, Phlegon. Artemidorus and 
his Dream Books, The Romance of the Golden Ass 

The last wave of the worn-out poetic spirit of the Romans 
endured only until the time of Hadrian. The national 
poetry of Rome became extinct with Statins, Martial, and 
Juvenal. Juvenal, whose last fortunes are obscure, wrote 
satires in the time of Hadrian. The prince upon whom the 
muses set all their hopes, mentioned in the introduction to 
the seventh satire, is a reference to this emperor.* To poets 
and poetasters, he gave what they longed for, gold with both 
hands, but he could not endow them with the gifts of the 
muses. Greek as well as Latin literature no longer found 
expression in the higher ranks of poetry. 

As a dilettante, Hadrian sought to express himself in 
verse like nearly every emperor, or prominent man in Rome.« 
He wrote love-songs and hymns to Plotina.' The Latin 
anthology ascribes some epigrams to him, of which none 
would do particular honour to a poet. Among them is an 

' In Snt. XV. 27 (L. Aemilius) Juncus is mentioned as consul (sufT. 127 
A.D.). Friedlacnder, iii. 461. 

'Spart. c. 14: Et de suis dilectis multa versibus conposuit ; amatoria 
carmina scripsit. Dion. Ixix. 3 : Ka2 wt^h. naX h trtvi woi^jftara wumdawk 

* The hymns are mentioned by Dion Cassius, Ixix. la 


274 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

epitaph on Soranus, who boldly swam across the Danube 
with the Batavian cavalry, and an epitaph as well on the 
imperial charger Borysthenes. But it is doubtful' whether 
these verses, and the dry epigram on the Amazons, are 
really his.^ The well-known verses which he exchanged 
with P. Annius Florus are genuine. He seems to have 
asked the poet to accompany him on his journey to the 
north, and Florus declined the honour in the following 
trochaic trimeters : 

" I would rather not be Caesar, 
Have to haunt Batavian marshes. 
Lurk about among the Britons, 
Feel the Scythian frosts assail me." 

Hadrian replied : 

" I would rather not be Florus, 
Have to haunt the Roman taverns. 
Lurk about among the cookshops. 
Feel the bossy bowl assail me." ^ 

Spartianus considered these trifles which would have passed as 
impromptus at a banquet, worthy of record, and it is wonder- 
ful that they have lived. Florus was an intellectual man, 
as is shown by the fragment of his Latin work, the intro- 
duction to the dialogue on the school theme whether Virgil 
was an orator or a poet In this he related some of his 
own experiences.' He was an African by birth. He came 

^ Lucian Mueller {Claudii Rutilii Namatiani^ De Reditu suo^ Lib. ii., 
1870, p. 26) has greatly reduced the number of genuine Hadrian epigrams. 
Hadrian's epigrams in the AnthoL lot. ed, Meyer, n. 206-211. 

* " Ego nolo Caesar esse, 
Ambulare per [Batavos, 
Latitare per] Britannos, 
Scythicas pati pruinas." 

'* Ego nolo Florus esse, 
Ambulare per tabemas, 
Latitare per popinas, 
Culices pati rotundos ^ (?) 
Spart. c. 6. The English version is that of Mr. Hodgkin. (Tr.) 

' Found at first by Oehler in Brussels, edited by Ritschl, Rkein, Mus, 
1842, i. 302 sq. The literature on the subject in TeufTel, 341. 

CHAP. XII] Florus 275 

to Rome as a boy, and appeared as a poet. But Domitian 
refused him the wreath of honour which he had won at the 
contest on the Capitol, as he did not wish to give such a 
prize to Africa. The injured poet hereupon left Rome, and 
wandered through the wide world, until he settled in Tarraco; 
here he kept a school of rhetoric. The scene of the dialogue 
is laid in the groves of the temple. The interlocutor is 
surprised that Florus remains in the provinces and does not 
revisit Rome, where his verses are recited, and where his 
famous Dacian triumph is applauded on the Forum. We do 
not know whether this poem had the real triumph of Trajan 
for its subject, or the shameful transactions of Domitian with 
Decebalus, which the senate rewarded with triumphal honours. 
F'lorus was again in Rome in Hadrian's reign, and became 
friendly with him. But he would not accompany the restless 
emperor, as he had grown tired of wandering about the 

This precious fragment throws a gleam of light on the 
poet's life, which was so full of romantic adventures. His 
biography would have been a reflection of the literature of 
the time, and of Hadrian's court of the muses ; * but we 
know nothing more about him. The epigrams of Florus in 
the Latin Anthology show that he could lay claim to the 
fame of a talented poet, even though his Pegasus did not 
rise far above the regions of mediocrity.' 

The Latin poets who were famous in the time of Hadrian 
were Orion from Alexandria, a Greek, indeed, but who com- 
posed a Latin panegyric upon the emperor, Voconius, Julius 

'A contribution to this in F. Eyssenhardt, "Hadrian und Florus," in 
Samml. wissenschaftL Vortraege^ xvii., 1882. 

• Ant hoi. lot, cd. Meyer, n. 212-221. On the spitefulness of women. — On 
Apollo and Bacchus. — On Roses (the best). The epigram, n. 220^ is full 
of the poet's pride : 

" Consules fiunt quodannis et novi prooonsules, 
Solus aut rex aut poetA non quodannis nascitur." 

The epigrams have been collected by Lucian Mueller, Claud. RuHl 
Natnat,^ p. 26 sq. The question, whether The Night- Festival of Venus is 
by Florus, is disputed. — C. H. O. Mueller, De P, Anno Floropoeta et car^ 
tnine quod Pervigilium Veneris inscriptum est^ 1855. The literature on 
Florus in TeufleL 

2/6 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

Paulus, and Anianus Faliscus, an Etrurian writer of idylls.^ 
Rome swarmed at this time with versifiers. Pliny the 
younger once wrote : " This year has produced a great 
cluster of poets; scarcely a day has passed in the whole 
month of April, on which one of them was not to be 
heard." And then he complained about the indifference 
of the public' 

The Greek poets seem to have been more numerous and 
more gifted than the Latin poets. Evodus from Rhodus, 
Erycius from Thessaly, Pancrates the Alexandrian, who 
celebrated Antinous, and was repaid by a post in the 
Museum, and particularly Mesomedes of Crete, all enjoyed 
some reputation. Mesomedes was a freedman of Hadrian, 
and, as court singer to the harp, he was as high in his 
favour as once Menecrates had been in that of Nero. He 
too, extolled Antinous. It is lamentable that we do not 
possess any of these Antinoids. The subject was romantic 
enough, and even in our own day has been made use of for 
a romance. They would have made clear to us how the 
fate of the youth, whose appearance we know only through 
the plastic art, was mirrored in the works of the poets, and 
what moral they extracted from this melodrama. Numerous 
poems must have been dedicated by the courtiers of the 
emperor to his deified boy. The rhetorician Numenius of 
Troas also wrote a consolatory discourse upon Antinous.* 
Hadrian rewarded the Antinoid of Mesomedes with a 
pension which Antoninus withdrew from the poet from 
motives of economy; but Caracalla erected a monument to 
him, which proves that the talents of this harp-player had 
made an impression on the time.^ Two epigrams and a 
hymn to the Nemesis of Mesomedes have been preserved, 
with which Synesius was acquainted in the fifth century. 
As a virtuoso in singing and playing the harp he oflen 

*Teuffel, 353, 3. Lucian Mueller, ibid^ p. 34 sg, 

* Pliny, Ep, i. 1 3. 

^liapatwBiKbt €lt 'AtniMWiP Suidas s.v. Numenios. 

^Dion Cassius, Ixxvii. 13: ri} rt Meaofii}^t ry rodt KiBafH^diKodt whiiwt 
avYYp^i^^Ti, from which it follows that Mesomedes had compiled the 
rules of his art. The Chron, Bused, for 146 a.d. specifies him as 

CHAP, xii] Mesomedes 2^^ 

triumphed in musical contests, and thus won Hadrian's 

The emperor, too, was a dilettante in music. On that 
account he paid honour to a famous musician, Aelius 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the composer of a theory and 
history of music, giving him the name of his own gens 
Aelius. It is uncertain whether the hymn to Calliope is to 
be ascribed to him or to another musician of the same name. 
The hymns to this muse, to Helius and the one mentioned 
above of Mesomedes, are the only songs which have come 
down to us, with ancient Greek notes.' An historian of music 
has called them valuable antiquities which cannot serve as a 
standard of Greek music in its time of prosperity, and he 
compares these poems, elegantly composed of traditional 
phrases, with the bas-reliefs of the same epoch, which are 
designed with conventional figures.' 

Hadrian was so conversant with both languages that he 
attempted to write Greek as well as Latin verses.* We 
possess five of his epigrams, among them the dedicatory 
inscription of the Dacian booty, which Trajan had offered 
to Zeus Casius. In an epigram dedicated to Eros, Hadrian 
begged the son of the sweet-speaking Cypris, who lived in 
Heliconian Thespiae, by the flower garden of Narcissus, 
graciously to accept the offering of a bear which he had 
killed when on horseback, in return for a breath of the 
favour of Aphrodite Urania. The elegance of these verses 
is only derived from the richness of the Greek language.* 

Spartianus tells us that the emperor composed a very 
obscure work under the title Libri Catachannae. This 

' Suidas, iifcsomeifes : h rwf lUXiera ^ot. 

'Sec Hcllcmiann, Die Hymnen des Dionysios und Mesomedes^ 184a 

' Anibros, Gesch. tier Musik^ i. 451. 

* Dion Cassius, Ixix. 3, calls him ^« ^ ^X<fXo7©t h ixaHfiq, rj 7X(&^^. 

•Kaibcl, -^/. ^., n. 811. Among the Greek epigrams the longest is 
that to Jupiter Casius. j4n/A. vi. 332. Other epigrams, vii. 674; ix. 137, 
387 (also ascribed to Germanicus), ix. 17; ix. 402 (doubtful). A Greek 
epitaph on Hector in Cramer, Anec. gr. Oxon. iii. 354 ; Scholia ad 
Tsetsis Chiliad, ii. 78. A Greek epigram, probably by Hadrian, on the 
poet Parthcnius, in Kaibel, n. 1089. Tillemont's error (Adrien^ p. 443)1 
that the emperor had composed an Alexandreis is due to the confusion of 
the names Adrianus and Arrianus. 

278 The Emperor Hadrian [book 11 

seems to have been a wonderful satire in imitation of 
Antimachus.^ It has been said of Hadrian that he wished 
to supplant Homer by this composer of the antiquated epic 
Thebais, and the tendency of his taste in this direction was 
ascribed to the envy which made him grudge their deserts, 
not only to the living but to the dead.^ In his time, the 
Alexandrian Chaennus, son of Hephaestion, wrote an Anti- 
Homer in twenty- four cantos, and this is a proof of the 
perverse view taken by the schools of the grammarians of 
that time. 

The poetry of Hadrian's time presents but scanty 
material to the historian of literature ; but there is one 
species of composition which he can examine as a sign of 
the dark side of the century, namely, the stories of daemons 
which merge into the fabulous and satirical romance of the 
time. Phlegon wrote Miraculous Stories in which he tells 
the most irrational anecdotes of ghosts, among them being 
the story which was the origin of Goethe's Bride of Corinth, 
All these fables contain neither the interest of a gruesome 
imagination, nor the value of a hidden moral. They are 
crudely and unskilfully invented.^ The demand for such 
things was very great at the time, for the decay of religion 
stimulated superstition, and, from the emperor down to the 
slave, every one was interested in magic, demonology, and 
astrology. The endeavour to treat dreams scientifically, as 
a source of revelation, was a proof of this mystical tendency. 
Every one believed in the power of dreams, like Galen, who 
accepted them as medical signs ; like Pausanias, who made 
up his mind through a dream not to write upon the Eleu- 
sinium, and like Lucian, who was prompted by a dream to 
become a sophist instead of a sculptor. 

Hermippus of Berytus, a pupil of Herennius Philo, had 

^The word has been used of grafted trees which produced different 
kinds of fruits (Forcellini, i>^.. s.v. Catachanna). The best explanation of 
KOToxh^^ ^s a satirical comp)osition, is given by Th. Bergk, De AntitnacMi 
et Hadriani Catachenis^ Zeitschrift fur Alterthumswissensch (ed. Zimmer- 
mann), 1835, p. 30a • 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4 : m^ m^ot ro%.% ^dauf dWii kuI roit reXevn/jaaffi ^oif€Uf. 

• Phlegontis Tralliani opuscula gr, et lot, ed. Franz. Fragtftenta cd. C. 
Miiller, 1849, in Fragtu. Histor. Graecor,^ vol. iii. 

CHAP. X!!] Artemidorus 279 

already written a history of dreams in the time of Trajan 
and Hadrian. His successor was Artemidorus Daldianus of 
Ephesus,- the chief seat of all daemoniac superstition. In 
the preface to his Oneirocritica^ or Dream Interpretations 
he boasts of having given a true and generally useful work 
to the world, in which the whole Greek literature upon dreams 
was collected.^ In fact, he almost passed his life travelling 
through countries and islands to procure materials for his 

Artemidorus first established the difference between oneiros 
and enphypnion. One prophesies the future, the other the 
present ; one continues to act upon the soul in its ^'aking 
hours, the work of the other terminates with sleep. The 
dreams of the first kind are speculative, indicating the subject 
of the dream, as if one dreamt of a shipwreck which after- 
wards really took place, or allegorical. According to his 
theory, oneiros is a figurative movement of the soul, some- 
thing which exists outside consciousness and by which the 
soul delivers an oracle to mankind, giving it either no time 
or only a certain time to look into the future. The alle- 
gorical dream foretells events by the most sympathetic image. 
For instance, the head denotes the father, the foot the slave, 
etc., etc. If a man is poor and dreams he is bom, it signifies 
fortune to him, for a child must be maintained and must 
have a guardian ; if he is rich, however, it is a sign that he 
will lose control over his property, for a child is not sui juris. 
The interpretation is often not devoid of ingenuity. It is 
founded chiefly on the relation in which the dreamer may be 
supposed to be to the vision. A large head denotes wealth, 
places of honour, triumphal wreaths, if the dreamer docs 
not already possess them ; in which case it denotes cares 
and anxieties. I^ng and well-kept hair promise happiness ; 
unkemjU hair, misfortune and sorrow. Wool instead of 
hair means illness ; a shaven head, mischief. If a man 
dreams that he hears ants creeping in his ear, it means 
health and many listeners to the sophist, but to anyone else 
it means death, as the ants live in the earth. If an unmarried 
woman dreams that she has a beard, she may reckon upon 
having a husband. If an accused man dreams that he is 

'Artemidorus, Oneirocritica^ ed. ReifT, 1805, cd. Hercher, 1864. 

28o The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

beheaded, he need no longer fear the executioner, for a head 
cannot be cut off twice. 

In this way Artemidorus goes through the list of visions 
proceeding from dreams of physical activity to dreams of 
mental activity and to the whole world of apparitions. 

While in Phlegon's writings the anecdotes of ghosts serve 
only for amusement, the attempt was made by Artemidorus 
to treat the dream psychologically. The Greek Lucian 
and the Latin Apuleius afterwards attacked the belief in 
apparitions and demonology, though quite unsuccessfully, by 
their satires. Lucius Patrensis is said to have been the real 
author of the romance of the Golden Ass. Lucian continued 
it, and Apuleius, who was born at Madaura in Africa about 
the middle of Hadrian's reign, was the last editor of this 
obscene, but valuable picture of the manners of the time of 
the Antonines. Literature owes to him the preservation of 
the story of Cupid and Psyche, one of the sweetest poems of 
antiquity, which is set as a pearl in this filthy romance. This 
platonic allegory of the soul rising to celestial happiness 
through the pulsatory of sorrow, seems like the farewell of 
dying paganism, which forebodes its change into Christianity. 
Marble groups of Cupid and Psyche, or their images repre- 
sented on sarcophagi, cannot be authenticated before the 
second century.* 

We are not sufficiently enlightened as to the structure of 
the Greek romance of this epoch. lamblichus of Syria seems 
to belong to this period, of whose Babylonian histories (the 
love story of Rhodanes and Sinonis) Photius made extracts. 
The circumstances of this and other Roman writers are 
obscure, and unquestionably a whole literature of this class 
has been lost, whose birthplace must have been Ephesus.' 
The military expeditions of Trajan had opened up the East 

^ Gaston- Boissier, La religion Romaine (f Auguste aux Afiionins^ ii. 120. 
Upon the legend of Cupid and Psyche and otlier traces of folk-lore in 
antiquity, Friedlaender, i., p. 468 sq, A highly cultivated Roman lady. 
Donna Ersilia Cactani LovatcUi, has enriched the literature on this 
subject by a beautiful treatise — A more e Psiche^ Rome, 1883. 

'The date, too, of the Ephesiaca^ or love story of Anthia and Abrocomas, 
by Xenophon of Ephesus cannot be determined. Erwin Rohde, Der 
^riech, Roman und seine Vorlaeu/ery p. 360 sq. 

CHAP. XII] Romances 281 

afresh to the realm of fancy, and Hadrian encouraged rela- 
tions with these distant countries. The literary circles of 
Greece, Asia, and Egypt were brought by him into nearer 
connection with each other and with the West. It was a 
restless age. Side by side with the travels of Hadrian arose 
the imaginary travels of romance. These romances must 
have been very much the fashion, as Lucian ridiculed them 
in his Tnu Stories, At the beginning of the third century, 
these journeys of adventure were worked into a famous 
romance of a social and religious tendency by Philostratus, 
in which Apollonius of Tyana wanders through the world 
like a heathen Christ. Paganism defended itself in vain 
against the degeneration of the power of the old religion 
into wild romance which was brought about by the irony of 
the Atheists, as well as by the fantastic ideas of the Neopy- 
thagoreans and the Platonists. 


Philosophy. The Stoa. Epictetus and the Enchiridion. 
Stoicism and Cynicism. Demonax of Athens 

The philosophical schools of Athens however still continued 
to exist even in this age. In Rome, Greece and Asia they 
could show many celebrated names, like Rusticus and 
Severus, the teachers of Marcus Aurelius, Taurus, Favorinus, 
Secundus, Theon,Timocrates, Alcinous and others. Platonists, 
Peripatetics, Pythagoreans and Stoics maintained the tradi- 
tions of the ancient systems of thought, and if philosophy 
could derive advantage from freedom of thought, this 
was certainly offered to her in the fullest measure by the 
Roman empire. Freedom of thought and teaching was 
absolute in the empire. Oenomaus of Gadara could deny 
the gods in the time of Hadrian, without being condemned 
to drink the cup of hemlock. The Flavian emperors 
indeed, even Vespasian, had driven the philosophers out of 
Rome, but that was on account of their political principles. 
Philosophy, however, had become unfruitful, the age was 
worn out and impoverished in ideas. Christianity could 
traverse these shallows of thought without effort. It en- 
countered no Plato and no Aristotle, but their formulas only 
which no longer satisfied the mind. Philosophy and the old 
religion were equally effete. 

The few thinkers of that time escape our view, as we do 
not possess their writings ; but Lucian has taken care that 
the beggarly philosophic proletariate is visible to us in its 
thousands. In Hertnotimus he exposes the folly of the 
syllogisms as well as of the beliefs and opinions of the aver- 

](K. II. cii. xiii] The Stoics 283 

age philosopher, and shows us how happiness consists only 
In practical actions. In The Sale of the Philosophers^ and in 
the Fisherman^ he drowned all these follies in the floods of 
his wit His mockery, however, was only aimed at these 
caricatures, for he was not so superficial as to despise the 
heroes of thought. 

Among the schools of philosophy of the time of the empire 
there was still one of historical importance, that of the Stoics. 
Neoplatonism, indeed, is a production of the time, and was 
combined with Christianity in the Gnosis, but it was not 
until the third century that it was formed into an efl*ective 
system by Plotinus. After Quintus Sextius founded the 
school of the Stoics in Rome, Stoicism remained the pro- 
fession of faith of the noblest minds among the Romans. It 
formed the really aristocratic character which knew how to 
die with greatness of soul. Under the empire the Stoa had 
its martyrs as well as Christianity. Musonius Rufus and' 
Seneca were its brilliant representatives in the first century. 
In the second century it came into power, ending its glorious 
age with Marcus Aurelius on the imperial throne. 

Rome, with her crime and her slavery, but also with her 
cosmopolitanism, was the natural field for Stoic morality, 
while in the East, the schools of Zeno and Chrysippus had 
long fallen into decay.* Even Epictetus, the head of the 
new Stoicism, a Greek from Hierapolis in Phrygia, was 
brought up as a slave of the freedman Epaphroditus under 
Nero in Rome, where he was a pupil of Musonius Rufus and 
of Euphrates. Expelled with all the other philosophers by 
Domitian, he lived and taught at Nicopolis in Epirus. The 
year of his death is unknown ; but he died either in the last 
years of Trajan or in the earliest years of Hadrian. For 
the assertion of Spartianus that Hadrian was acquainted 
with Epictetus is certainly doubtful, but cannot be refuted.* 
After the days of Nerva the Stoa had become a public 

^ .See Gelliiis, i., c. 2, where Herodes Atticus silences a young man who 
wishes to be a Stoic and airs his syllogisms, by a few words from Epictetus. 
Arrian, l^ssert, ii., c. 29. 

•.Spart. Vita Hadr.^ c. 16. See Zellcr, Die Pkil, der Griechen^ iii. 1, 
p. 660. The life of Epictetus in the edition of Arrian (1683). Macro- 
bius, Saturn. I. ix., quotes the epigram of Epictetus, JoCXot 'BrUnrror. 

284 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

power, and could not therefore escape the notice of Hadrian. 
But his sophistical nature forbade him to become wedded 
to any one mode of thought. He respected Epictetus, 
without being a Stoic. The noble image of this teacher 
of virtue, who could say of himself that though born a 
slave and a cripple, and though poor as Iros, he was still 
a favourite of the immortals, has been preserved to posterity 
by Arrian ; for what Plato and Xenophon were to Socrates, 
this statesman of Hadrian was to Epictetus. 

The Enchiridion is the Stoics* gospel of the second cen- 
tury, the guide for all the practical conduct of life. For 
morality is the kernel of the Stoic school, which recognizes 
the doctrine of ethics as its highest theme, and therefore 
renounces speculation. This book of morals has so much in 
common with the teaching of the Gospels that it has been 
ascribed to a Christian author.^ But this harmony is also so 
strongly marked in the writings of Seneca, that it has been 
supposed that he was a secret Christian. It is also notice- 
able in Marcus Aurelius, and in truth the morality, which 
could elicit even from the Stoics the command to love their 
enemies, is so sublime, their submission to the will of God so 
complete, that this moral current in the mind of the heathen 
world seems to prove the historical necessity for Christianity.* 
And still more it provokes the question, whether from 
Stoicism alone a universal religion like Christianity, perhaps in 
the form of a philanthropic brotherhood, would not have grown 
up, without miracles and dogmas and without a priesthood, 
even if Jesus of Nazareth had not appeared. For the rest, 
the Stoics placed little value upon Christianity, and this fact 
proves that their ideas were independent of those of the new 
religion. They were astonished at the readiness with which 
martyrs suffered death, but they did not admire it. They 

y€^6firiif, Kal aCiffxar* njpdt, ical xtwhip ^Ipot, Kcd <f>l\ot d^ay&rot. There is an 
Altercatio Hadrieni Aug. et Epictett Phil, a game comprised of questions 
and answers, not devoid of wit, which has come down from the Middle 
A^es like the Disputatio Pippini cum Albino Scholastico. 

' Stoici nostro dogmati in plerisque concordant. — Hieron. i'n Esaitim, 
c. II. 

' The Stoics, however, did not agree with the Christians in the belief of 
the immortality of the soul. The soul was to them something corporeal 
though of the finest matter. 

CHAP. XIII] Epictetus 285 

looked upon it as a fanatic obstinacy, or as a custom 
which had become epidemic, but not as the act of philosophic 
conviction, which made heroes of Cremutius Cordus, Thrasea 
and Helvidius Priscus.* 

At the beginning of the Enchiridion we are told that man 
has only his actions in his power. These are free ; but every- 
thing outside the human soul, like fortunate circumstances, 
etc., is not free, and over them he has no control. We should 
not therefore complain of the want or loss of such things, 
we should only ask for what is ours, that is, for the things 
over which we have control ; all others we should despise. 
Stoicism may be comprised in the words: endure and renounce! 
The chief thing is to be able to distinguish rightly between 
what is possible for us and what is not possible. Everything 
depends upon the way in which we look at things. The 
objcctiveness which forces itself upon our desire is a fantasy, 
that is, a vision accepted by the idea, and our business is to 
find out what is real in this fantasy. A man must not then 
allow himself to be drawn away by his desires to the fantasy. 
As then the conceived idea, or the pure subjective thought is 
the principle and criterion for the truth of everything, so by 
it is all truth preserved, and the world of the Stoics becomes 
merely a formal and abstract world. It is not things them- 
selves which move us, but the conceptions which we form 
of thcm.^ Epictetus expressed this practically when he says 
that all injuries do not come from the offender, but from our 
view of them. The transition to Scepticism or Pyrrhonism 
is thus easily made. 

The Ego is the one concrete thing as opposed to the 
abstract. The Stoic took refuge within himself to preserve 
his freedom. This freedom however is imaginary, because 
the other side, namely, the real world, is wanting. Man is 
comjxjsed of body, soul and mind. To the body belong 
the senses, to the soul the desires, and to the mind the 
opinions. The Aesthesis is the animal. It receives an im- 
pression, but the Hormesis is animal as well as human, and 

' Epictetus {Dissert, iv. 7) and Marcus Aurelius (xi. 3) cast a glance of 
disapproval upon such martyrs. Otherwise they take no notice of the 

• Enchiridion^ c. 10. 

286 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

is peculiar both to a Phalaris and a Nero. The true wise 
man is he who lives conformably to the inner daemon, not 
allowing himself to be dazzled by a number of illusions, but 
submitting himself to fate.^ For as understanding is common 
even to those who are godless and practise shameful things 
in secret, there must be something special for the good, which 
others do not possess. This consists in equanimity, resigna- 
tion, and the withdrawal of the inner mind from all that may 
disturb it. 

From this logic, in which the subjective thought is made 
the starting-point, is built up the fabric of practical moral philo- 
sophy. The chief idea has been alre?idy given, that the wise 
man should not let himself be carried away by things, but 
should find out what they are, and live according to pure 
reason. Accordingly as things exist only in appearance, imag- 
ination, or thought, they produce the Stoic fortitude, but at the 
same time enjoin an active prosecution of the aims of life. 
First see what kind of affair it is with which you have to 
do, and then see if your nature has strength for it.* By 
this means arrogance, ambition, and love of power are 
avoided, and it follows that every one quietly fulfils the 
task which nature has appointed for him.* Zeno and 
Chrysippus defined virtue as life according to nature, or 
self-preservation according to reason. The Stoic takes 
the world as it is, and his idea of justice consists in the 
discharge of duties. This principle forms the transition to 

According to Plutarch, fate is the world-soul, and is a 
circle, because everything which happens in heaven and 
earth moves in a circle. But it is universal, and stands in 
the same relation to the individual, as the universal power of 
the civil law stands to the citizens. Without referring to them 
individually and particularly, they are in subjection to it. 
Plutarch has justly recognized, that the individual is the 
individual only through the universal. He distinguishes be- 
tween things directly and indirectly predestined. The 
former are included in fate, the latter are the definite 
consequences of the former. In the same way, many 

* Marcus Aurelius, iii. 9. ' Enchiridion^ c. 26. 

^Enchiridion^ c. 13 ; DissertcU, i. 2, 

CHAP. XIII] Plutarch 287 

things contained in the law like adultery and murder are 
not lawful, but other things which follow definitely from 
the law, are lawful. Therefore, he says, everything is 
comprised in fate, but individual things cannot with justice 
be ascribed to it, and hence everything happens according to 
its own nature. In nature the possible precedes the event. 
The possible is either something which really happens, and 
then it is necessary, like the rising and setting of the stars, 
or something which might be prevented from happening, and 
then it is chance. Luck is a combination of causes ; it 
happens, it is true, in conjunction with our actions, but in- 
dependently of our will; as, for instance, if a man digs up a 
plant, and finds gold Chance is a wider conception than luck, 
which only refers to mankind. Plutarch goes on to say that, 
the first and the highest providence is the intelligence of the 
only God, His beneficent will towards everything divine, and 
of divine order. The second is that of the divinities of the 
second grade, who settle the affairs of mortals. The third is 
that of the genii who move round the earth and direct the 
acts of men. Now fate is dependent upon the first pro- 
vidence, that is God, who made everything good and beautiful, 
who allotted souls to man, and gave to each his own star. 
In Plutarch fate coincides with the world, or the productive 
power of nature. The tendency to monotheism is evident, 
but it is not developed, as the mythological polytheism is 
maintained, intervening between the highest God and the 
soul of man, like a Platonic doctrine of daemons. Justin, 
who does every justice to the Stoics, proves the paradox 
which is contained in the fact that they deny freedom, and 
yet lay down moral laws.^ 

In the Stoic renunciation of the world there is a similarity 
to ascetic Christianity. In the writings of Seneca, Epictetus, 
and Marcus Aurelius, sentiments entirely Christian are to be 
found, such as, that man should consider himself as a part of 
the Divinity, indeed, even as a son of God, and that on that 
account he should preserve his moral dignity as an inhabitant 
of the earth, and should love his fellowmen, even slaves, as 
they are all descended from God. Neoplatonism is allied 

' Just. Mart ApoLy p. 45 ; also Tattan, Cont Graec,^ p. 146 C, D. 

288 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

to this tendency, its view being that h'fe will be completed 
by being raised to the contemplation of God. 

As a branch of the Stoa, the Cynics formed a community 
of some size in the Roman empire. Underneath the rough 
exterior of the sect there were qualities which commanded 
respect. In its dogma Cynicism is opposed to the poly- 
theism of the heathens, and particularly to the belief in 
the gods. In the philosopher Oenomaus it seems to have 
reached its height as Nihilism. The theory of life of the 
Cynics is the moral opposition to despotism through the 
consciousness of the inner freedom of the soul. Even before 
the Christians ventured openly to contend against the tyranny 
of the Pagan state, the late followers of Diogenes and Antis- 
thenes did so with the assurance of heroes of virtue. Their 
manly pride before the throne of the sovereign often degener- 
ated into beggarly impudence, and on that account Vespasian 
banished all the philosophers from Rome, with the exception 
of the highly cultivated Musonius Rufus. 

Though Lucian himself did not admire Cynicism, he held 
up a patriarch of this school as a pattern of virtue. This 
was Demonax of Cyprus, who in the time of Hadrian and 
the Antonines enjoyed the greatest respect at Athens. He 
lived like a new Diogenes, without posing as an eccentricity. 
His nature, says Lucian, was full of Attic graces ; he was 
never heard to use a common expression or a severe fault- 
finding word. He attacked faults but not those who committed 
them. The work of his life was to make peace. He looked 
upon every one as related to him, because he was a man.^ He 
never sacrificed to the gods, and he disdained to be admitted 
into the mysteries. Accused on that account of godlessness, 
he entered the assembly of the people, and said : "Athenians, 
I stand here garlanded before you ; now put me to death, for 
in your first sacrifice you have had no signs of good omen."* 
The people were so fond of him, that all houses stood open 
to him ; and anyone thought himself fortunate if Demonax 
appeared to spend the night. Many of his sayings, with 
which he rebuked the vanity of men, particularly of the 
great, were passed from mouth to mouth. When he 

' oCk tffTtp dmra oCk qU€Xo¥ Mfu^ey, &if$punr6if ye tfi^ra. 
' Detnontix^ c. 1 1 : allusion to Socrates. 

CHAP, xiii] Demonax of Athens 289 

felt that his end was approaching, he repeated to his 
friends the speech of the herald at the end of the combat* 
He then took no more food. When Demonax had ended 
his long life of nearly a hundred years in this way, the 
Athenians buried him like a hero at the public expense, 
showing that they placed as high a value upon philosophical 
greatness of character, as upon the most brilliant oratory of 
the sophists. 

On the whole. Stoicism had a softening effect upon the 
legislation of the Romans, especially upon that of Hadrian, 
enlarging the philosophic spirit of justice towards every one, 
while at the same time, long before the effect of Christianity 
became apparent, it served as a consolation to innocent 
sufferers.' Midway in the reign of terror of the Caesars the 
republican mind could take refuge in Stoicism, and then could 
incorporate in Marcus Aurelius the ideal of a prince. In his 
Meditations this emperor acknowledged that he had formed 
his character after the model of the heroes of liberty, Cato 
and Brutus, Thrasea and Helvidius. He owed this sym- 
pathy for them to the instruction of Claudius Severus, who 
had taught him that the best state was that in which the 
citizens were treated according to the principles of equality, 
and where the liberty of the subject was the most important 

Finally, Stoic philosophy, quite independently of Christian- 
ity and from its conception of the unity of the world, set up 
as the highest aim of civilization, the idea of humanity and 
of the rights of men. If there were nothing more remaining 
of il than the idea of cosmopolitanism and of the brotherhood 
of man, this would be enough to give it a very high place 
among the systems of philosophy.* 

• Herder, /deen Mur Geschickte der Menschheit^ iii. 14, 5. 
^ In se ipsunty i. 14. 

* Marcus Aurelius, iii., calls man woKl-nt^ wbXtw r^ Artrrdnyf ^f of Xaifroi 
Tdktit &(rw(p oUtat tlfflif and iv. 4, the world r^t, and in c 23 even v6Xif Ai^f. 
In the same way Musonius, entirely in the sense in which Augustine con- 
ceives the civitas Dei, speaks of the roXinft r^ roO Ai^ wUKtm. Zeller, 
iii. I, 279. 



Peregrinus Proteus 

In Peregrinus Proteus Lucian has caricatured Cynicism. It 
is the philosophic charlatan whom he ridicules. The history 
of this adventurer throws a light upon the moral conditions 
of the age of Hadrian. The Cynic Peregrinus Proteus was 
born at Parium in Mysia at the beginning of the second 
century. From a restless love of travelling, which seems to 
have been an attribute of the men of the time, as well as 
from a thirst for knowledge, he journeyed through many 
lands, like Hadrian. He penetrated into philosophic and 
religious secrets. In Palestine he learnt the mysteries of the 
Christians, and joined their community. Lucian looked 
upon his going over to this sect merely as an act of insanity. 
The " wonderful wisdom " of the Christians only appeared 
ridiculous to him.^ As a man of education and ability 
Peregrinus enjoyed their respect, filling indeed one of the 
chief offices of the community, and suffering persecution.* 
He was captured and imprisoned' for participating in 
the Christian mysteries, whereupon he experienced the 
brotherly love of the Christians in such great measure 
that he acquired a good income under " this title " (namely, 
that of martyr). " For these people," says Lucian, " dis- 
play incredible activity in cases which concern their com- 
munity ; they spare neither trouble nor expense." What 
Lucian thought of Christianity is shown by what he says later 

^Perigrin. c. ii. 

'He calls the Christian offices which Proteus held, according to 
heathen notions, irpo^i^t, Biaadpxot and ^wayioyidt ; then he became 

iiK. II. CM. XIV] Peregrinus Proteus 291 

of its professors : " These poor devils imagine that they are 
immortal, and that they will live for ever; therefore they de- 
spise death, and many indeed even seek it. In addition, their 
first Lawgiver inculcated the belief that they were all brothers, 
and they went so far as to deny the gods of the Greeks, to 
pray to that crucified Sophist, and to live according to His 
precepts.* All other goods they despise, possessing them in 
common, without having any convincing proof for these 
opinions. If any cunning scoundrel comes to them, it is 
easy for him soon to become rich, and to laugh at the 
simpletons." Lucian relates that the Christian communities 
in Asia sent delegates to mitigate the fate of prisoners. 

Peregrinus was, however, thrust out of the community, as 
he was found guilty of eating forbidden meat He then 
continued his adventurous life as a Cynic in Egypt and Italy, 
where he appeared as a freethinker and a demagogue, and 
acquired great fame. Banished from Rome by the prefect 
of the city, he then wandered to Elis. Here he gave vent 
to his slanderous disposition. " First he wanted to persuade 
the Greeks to take up arms against Rome, then he blamed a* 
man distinguished for his culture and worth (namely, Herodes 
Atticus) because, among other services to Greece, he had 
made an aqueduct to Olympia, in order that the spectator 
at the games might not faint from thirst. He reproached 
him for this good action as if he had thereby rendered the 
Greeks effeminate." 

Yet in Peregrinus an impulse towards something higher 
can be discerned, which, however, took a false and fanciful 
direction. The Cynic finally committed suicide with theatri- 
cal ostentation, from weariness of a life which could not give 
him satisfaction of any kind. The Stoics defended suicide, 
and considered it an honour rather than a disgrace. It is 
said of the philosopher Euphrates, whom Pliny admired, 
that he died voluntarily after Hadrian had granted him the 
poisoned cup.* 

According to Eusebius, Peregrinus Proteus burnt himself 

* iw€iM.p — t6¥ 8< ApfffKoKoirUrfUPW ixupw eo^ar^p aiVrtSr wpotrKWwriPf C. 1 3. 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 8. Hadrian condemned suicide as a crime only 
in the case of the Roman soldier because he considered it a case of deser- 
tion. — Grasberger, Ersiekung und Unterr, im class, AUerikum, iii. 75. 

292 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

in 1 68 A.D. This tragical farce, as Lucian calls it, took 
place at Olympia, whither it is quite probable that the Cynic 
had gone in order to make a sensation. He and his friends 
had sent out an invitation as if to a play. A discourse was 
given upon death by fire, in the gymnasium, and Percgrinus 
himself delivered what was practically his own funeral oration 
before an assembly. Lucian only heard part of it, as, for fear 
of being crushed to death, he avoided the crowd. " I heard 
him say, however, that he wished to place a golden crown upon 
a golden life, for he who has lived like Hercules must die like 
Hercules, and return into the aether. He wished also to be 
a benefactor to the world, and to show how death may be 
despised. For this reason every one must be his own 
Philoctetes. Here the weakest and the simplest among the 
crowd burst into tears and exclaimed, * Live for the Greeks!' 
Others, who had stronger nerves, called out, * Do what you 
have determined to do.* This seemed considerably to dis- 
concert the old man, for he may have expected that the 
mob would have restrained him from dying by fire, and 
have compelled him to live on against his wishes. He 
trembled so much that he was not able to speak any 


After the games were over and many strangers had left, 
the great spectacle was really acted at Olympia. It was mid- 
night, and the moon shone as a witness to the mighty deed. 
Peregrinus came with the leading Cynics, accompanied 
by Theagenes of Patrae. Each Cynic carried a torch. The 
pile, composed of pine chips and dry brushwood, was laid 
in a hole twenty stadia from the Hippodrome. Proteus 
laid aside his wallet, his Cynic's coat and club of Hercules, 
and appeared in a dirty white linen under garment. He 
then took incense, threw it into the flames, and exclaimed, 
turning his face to the south, " Spirits of my parents, receive 
me kindly." With these words he sprang into the fire and 
disappeared, as the flames, blazing up all round, closed over 
him. The Cynics stood round the pile gazing with silent 
grief, but without shedding tears. Peregrinus probably 
wished, by the circumstances of his death, to bequeath 
wonderful legends to posterity, and this object would have 
been defeated if he had burnt himself at the games before 

CHAP. XIV] Peregrinus Proteus 293 

assembled Greece. The exaggerated statement of Lucian 
is, however, throughout hostile to the man, and barely in 
accordance with the truth. Gellius heard the teaching of 
this same Peregrinus at Athens, and acknowledged him to 
be an honest man, and Ammianus mentioned him as a 
famous philosopher.* Yet his voluntary death must have 
made a great impression on the minds of men ; for the 
Christian apologist Athenagoras, a younger contemporary of 
Proteus, informs us that his statue was erected at Parium, 
and that oracular power was ascribed to it* 

' Jacob Bemays, Uician und die Kynikery p. 60 sq, 

'Hujus etiam statua oracula dicitur edere. — Athenagoras, Legat, pro 
Christianis^ c. 26. 


Alexander of Abonotichus 

The honesty of Lucian with reference to Peregrinus may be 
doubted, but the brilliant colours with which he has |>ainted 
the character of the religious charlatan in Alexander of 
Abonotichus are, on the whole, to be accepted as correct 
Nothing so clearly shows the degeneration of the ancient 
religion into priestcraft and absurdity as the history of this 
Cagliostro of the second century. Lucian, the Voltaire of 
the time, had the good fortune to come into personal contact 
with this adventurer. He was a close spectator of his auda- 
cious conduct and of his actions in this farce of religious 
delusion, and he has shown us to what a height the stream 
of superstition can rise when priestcraft is encouraged by the 
credulity of the foolish mob. 

Alexander, a Greek from Abonotichus in Paphlagonia, 
was the hero of this religious comedy, a man of majestic 
appearance, of great cunning and powerful intellect. He 
had prosecuted his studies in the wide field of human folly, 
with one of those necromancers who carry on their dark, but 
profitable, business under the guise of the science of medicine. 
After the death of his master, Alexander joined himself to a 
man of letters from Byzantium. Accident put it into the 
head of these two comrades, who were travelling over the 
world, to appear in great style, as workers of miracles if not 
as founders of a religion, and to grow rich by a wholesale 
manufacture of oracles. They came to Chalcedon with a 
serpent, which they had bought at Pella in Macedonia, and 
had trained for their purpose. There they buried two bronze 
tables in the temple of Apollo, on which was written that the 

BK. II. CH. XV] Alexander of Abonotichus 295 

god Aesculapius would come with his father Apollo, to Pontus, 
and would take his seat at Abonotichus. The discovery of 
these tables caused the expected sensation, and paved the 
way for Alexander's reception in his favoured native city, for 
on the rumour of the approaching appearance of Aesculapius 
the council of Abonotichus decided to build a temple for the 
god. The charlatan reversed the proverb, that a prophet has 
no honour in his own country, for he knew his locality. After 
playing his game first in superstitious Macedonia, he could, 
as Luctan asserts, find no more suitable spot for carrying out 
his plan than a city of the Paphlagonians, " where the simple 
people are accustomed to stare at every soothsayer who asks 
a riddle, if he comes accompanied by a player on the flute 
and the cymbal, as if he were a messenger from heaven." * 

While his comrade remained behind in Macedonia, where 
he soon after died, Alexander made his entry into his native 
city. He appeared in a purple garment and white cloak, 
with long flowing curls, having a crooked sword in his hand, 
such as Perseus was represented wearing, for he asserted that 
he was descended from this hero. He announced his divine 
ancestry in the following verses : 

" This man yon see is offspring of Perseus, and the darling of Apollo, 
Alexander of divine descent from the blood of Podalirion." 

The conjurer first prepared his countrymen for the great 
event by cunning tricks, acting as if he were possessed. The 
temple was being built at Abonotichus ; in a ditch under the 
foundation Alexander concealed an egg, in which he had 
enclosed a small serpent. Some days after he appeared, 
strangely attired and as if mad with excitement, in the 
market-place. He leapt upon an altar and announced the 
near approach of Aesculapius, while the people remained on 
their knees praying. Chaldaean and Hebrew phrases gave 
the needful magical colour to his prophecies. He then rushed 
to the ditch, sang a hymn to Aesculapius and Apollo, and 
called for the gracious appearance of the god at Abonotichus. 
He brought the egg out in a cup and broke it, the Paphla- 
gonians raising a cry of delight when the god appeared in 
their city in the shape of a young serpent Abonotichus 

* Aiexamier^ c. 9. 

296 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

was immediately filled with swarms of the curious and the 
wonder-loving, who assembled from far and wide. The 
spectacle was as like as one egg is to another, to the scenes 
that were publicly enacted in our own time at a spot in a 
great country which suddenly sprang into notoriety, but with 
this difference that at Abonotichus in Paphlagonia Aescula- 
pius appeared, while in France it was the Virgin Mary. 

In a few days the prophet was to be seen in a small house, 
seated upon a divan. Around him was coiled the serpent, 
grown already to great size, the serpent of course which he 
had brought with him from Pella and had trained. It dis- 
played a human head, moved its mouth, and stretched out a 
black tongue. The obscurity of the room, the crowd and the 
feverish excitement of the people accomplished the desired 

In the meantime processions by degrees streamed into 
Abonotichus from Bithynia, Galatia and Thrace. Artists 
portrayed the new god in bronze and silver, in marble and 
clay, and sold the figures in great quantities, as the figures of 
saints are sold to-day in places of pilgrimage. Alexander 
gave the name Glycon to this god : 

" Glycon am I, a grandson of Zeus, 
And a light to humanity.'' 

Need we be surprised that this magician really succeeded 
in establishing a temple and worship for his divinity ? He 
had the women on his side, for he was a very handsome man. 
Lucian, indeed, only narrates facts, when he says that many 
women boasted of having had children by Alexander, and 
that this was indeed confirmed by their fortunate husbands.^ 
A regular oracle was established in the temple of Aesculapius. 
Questions were brought to the prophet for his oracle on a 
sealed tablet, which he then opened so cleverly that none 
could perceive it.* He answered them in verse, for correct 
form had to be given to the deception. We can imagine 

^ AUxatider^ c. 42. 

' Lucian mentions the artifice which was then employed to open writings 
without being detected. The seal was either detached by a hot needle, 
without destroying it, or an impression was taken of it. They were there- 
fore in the second century not so far behind our present secret police. 

CHAP. XV] Alexander of Abonotichus 297 

that like a father confessor, Alexander had sufficient oppor- 
tunity to get the pfeople into his power who came to him 
for advice, and to make many who were inclined to show 
dangerous political tendencies dependent upon his silence. 
He was also cunning enough to make friends with other 
frequented oracles, especially with the priesthood of Apollo 
at Cl.irus and Didyma, and Amphilochus, so that he often 
referred to their prophetic source, and said, instead of giving 
an answer, " Go to Clarus and hear what there my father 

Lucian gives many proofs of the crafty cunning of the 
impostor in working the oracles. But his success made him 
in the end so audacious that he became careless, and was 
deceived by ingenious people who saw through his game. 
" I asked him," so says Lucian, " on a slip of paper whether 
Alexander had a bald head, and as I had sealed the leaf so 
that it could not easily be opened without suspicion, he 
wrote upon it a dark oracle which ran, 'Sabardalachis Malach 
Attis was another.' * Another time I asked him on two 
different slips when the poet Homer was born. As my ser- 
vant had told him that the question was about a remedy 
for pains in the hip, on one slip he wrote these words, 

* Anoint yourself with Cytmis and with the dew of Latona.' 
On the other, which th6 servant had told him was an inquiry 
whether I should journey to Italy by sea or land, he wrote 
the following reply, which had nothing to do with Homer, 

* Dread the journey by sea, the way by land is more to your 
advantage.' " 

Such mistakes did not prevent the prophecies of Alex- 
ander becoming famous far and wide. Even Severian, the 
governor of Cappadocia, when he took the field against the 
Parthian king Vologeses H., sent to demand an oracle, 
which however turned out badly for him. This happened 
at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius. The 
prophet sent his agents into all the countries of the 
empire to advertise his fame. He won a footing even in 
Italy, where he found believers and adherents among 

* As AI)onoticlius could not contain the number of inquirers, Alexander 
despatched many by similar night oracles, that is to say, he laid the slip 
under ht^ pilknr, and the god revealed himself in a dream. 

298 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

the highest aristocracy in Rome and at the emperor's 
court. He attached Rutilianus, one of the most prominent 
Romans, to him, by giving him his own daughter, of whom 
he said Selene was the mother, in marriage, upon the express 
command of the god Aesculapius. Rutilianus is said to 
have even persuaded the emperor to allow two lions to be 
thrown into the Danube, because Alexander considered this 
sacrifice was needful to secure the Romans their victory over 
the Marcomanni. The sacrifice was of no avail, for the 
imperial army suffered a terrible defeat. The lying prophet 
made use with great skill of the excitement in the minds of 
people in the empire, which was caused by this war and 
by the plague, which in 167 A.D. laid waste many coun- 
tries. His travelling emissaries spread everywhere the dread 
of pestilence and earthquakes, and offered the amulets of 
Alexander as a protection against them. While the plague 
lasted, Lucian assures us, that nearly over every house-door 
a foolish line was to be seen, which Alexander had sent into 
every country, which ran : " Phoebus, with flowing locks, 
drives away the clouds of sickness." ^ 

There seems to have been a whole joint-stock company of 
impostors whom the prophet employed in the manufacture of 
his oracles. All these helpers, temple servants, registrars, 
oracle makers, secretaries, and interpreters of the questions 
which were addressed to him in different languages, received 
a good income. In order to attract the crowd he 
established a mystical fe.stival of three days, with torchlight 
processions, and all imaginable priestly pomp. Dramatic 
pantomimes were performed, representing the delivery of 
Latona, the birth of Aesculapius, and of the god Glycon.* 

This audacious comedy was maintained for thirty years, 
without its chief actor being put in prison. Sensible people 
indeed began to see through it, but power failed them to 
overthrow the juggler, as he had struck his roots too firmly 
in the nation. He was particularly afraid of the enlightened 
Epicureans and the Christians, and incited the populace to 
stone them wherever they showed themselves. Lucian, too, 
would have repented his temerity if he had not been saved 
by an accident. The story he tells is almost fabulous. 

' Alexander^ c. 36. • Alexander^ c. 38. 

CHAP. XV] Alexander of Abonotichus 299 

When the prophet heard of his arrival, he asked him to come 
and see him. Lucian came with a few soldiers, whom the 
governor of Cappadocia had given him as an escort on his 
way to the sea. Embittered for a long time by the fact that 
the sophist had ventured to dissuade Rutilianus from his 
marriage, Alexander wished to destroy him; but he appeared 
friendly to him, and in a private interview he succeeded in 
opening Lucian*s eyes to his own advantage. 

Lucian here confesses, probably with the intention of making 
a good story, his weakness as a man of the world. He made 
use of the hint, and went openly away from his enemy, 
apparently as a friend. Alexander lent him a boat for his 
voyage to Amastris, but he gave orders secretly to the pilot 
to throw him into the sea. The sailors, however, put him on 
shore at Aegiali, whence some people from the Bosporus 
sailing by, brought him to Amastris. What may be true of 
this story Lucian alone knows. He says further that he had 
endeavoured in vain to bring the impostor to justice. " It 
was Avitus, the governor of Bithynia and Pontus, who frus- 
trated my attempt, entreating me to abandon it, for Alexander 
would never be punished, even if he were unmasked, on 
account of his connection with Rutilianus. So I was obliged 
to keep quiet, for it would have been madness to bring com- 
plaints before a judge so disposed." 

Alexander remained unmolested. His deception became 
a power, indeed a recognized religion. He even obtained 
the emperor's |>ermission to change the name of the city 
Abonf)licluis to lonopolis, which still survives in the modern 
Yneholu.^ The lying prophet died in possession of his divine 
honours. His comrades disputed among themselves for the 
succession to the dignity of prophet, which, however, Ruti- 
lianus would not grant to any of them. The oracle of 
Glycon, however, existed for a long time after the death of 
the magician, and he himself was honoured by statues, medals 
and inscriptions, as well as by a ceremonial worship.* In 

' Mionnet, Suppl. iv., ;p. 550: Abonotichos quod ct lonopolis, nunc 
Ainch-Holi vel Incbolu. 

•Athcnagoras (Legatio pro Christianis^ c 26) says that statues of 
Alexander and Proteus were standing at Parium, where was also the tomb 
of Alexander : Alexandri adhuc in foro sepulcrum et simulacrum est . . . 

300 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. cu. xv 

lonopolis the service of Glycon still existed in the middle of 
the third century.* 

Alexandri autem statuae sacrificia publicis sumptibus et dies festi, tan- 
quam exaudienti Deo peraguntur. Dacian inscription upon the god 
Glycon : CJ.L, iii., n. 102 1, 1022. Coins of Abonotichus or lonopolis, of 
Marcus Aurelius, and L. Verus represent the serpent with the human head 
<IciiroroXe<Twy rXi^ffwr). Eckhel, ii., p. 383, 384. Mionnet, Suppi. iv., p. 550, 
>^* 3> 5 > A- 4* Coin with two serpents (Pun d'eux faisant des sifflements k 
I'oreille de Pautre). An inscription from Blatsche in Macedonia in honour 
of Draco, and of Dracaena and Alexander, Ephem, Epigraphica^ CLJL 
Suppl, ii. 33I1 n. 493. 

^Renan, Marc Aurlle^ p. 51. Coins of Nicomedia, with the dragon 
and the human head, as late as 240 A.D., ibid. 


Oracles. Plutarch their Apologist. Hcuiriatis 
Mysticism. The Deification of Antinous 

There was a renaissance of oracles in this wonder-loving 
century. In the first century they had fallen into decay 
from the spread of intelligence, but the mysticism of the 
l*last, which |)cnncatcd the ancient worship of the gods, tended 
to revive them. The same Nero who had questioned the 
oracle at Delphi, undermined its authority by plundering the 
temple of Apollo, and carrying off the treasures. The Pythia 
was dumb. She had long deserved the contempt of man- 
kind by her lies and venality, as Cicero had already remarked.* 
She had shamelessly flattered the matricide Nero by ventur- 
ing to compare him with Orestes and Alcmaeon.* Trajan,, 
however, seems to have restored the Delphic oracle, and 
Hadrian consulted it about Homer's birthplace.' Although 
Plutarch speaks of their decay, none of the famous oracles 
were absolutely dumb. But the probable cause of their 
diminished attraction lay in the fact that the public preferred 
to turn to new manifestations which suddenly came into 
fashion, such as the oracle of Glycon at Abonotichus. The 
old oracles still existed, particularly those of Apollo in Delos 

' Cicero, De ifMn, ii. 57. 

' Lucian, AVn?, c. la In spite of this, Nero wished to have the opening* 
of the abyss of the Pythian oracle blocked, so that Apollo might be silent 
for ever. 

' Douche- Leclcrc, Divination dans tantiquiU^ iti., p. 20a There are no 
imperial coins from Delphi, except of Hadrian (one referring to Antinous), 
of Antoninus Pius, and Faustina. Bormann, BulL d. Inst^ 1869, p. 45. 

302 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

and Argos, in Xanthus, and Clams near Colophon, that of 
Trophonius in Lebadea, of the Branchidae at Didymae near 
Miletus, of the sun-god of Heliopolis, and that at Hierapolis 
In Syria.^ But they were all more or less worn out. 

Plutarch admitted this with sorrow in his discourse on the 
decay of the oracles, and he took pains to bring back the 
powers of prophecy into repute.* These powers were, in 
his opinion, not answerable for this decay, for they had 
appointed daemons as oracle priests, and daemons were 
not gods, but rather beings of a nature at once mortal and 
immortal, and as they had at the same time a bodily 
existence, they could change to good or bad, and could even 
vanish. For this he refers to Plato, Empedocles, Xenocrates 
and Chrisippus. To make the matter quite clear he relates 
the history of the downfall of Pan. In the time of Tiberius, 
some sailors heard, on one of the Grecian coasts, the name 
called out of their pilot Thamus, and a voice which said, 
"When you come to the height of Palodes then make it 
known .that the great Pan is dead." Thamus did this, where- 
upon a great sighing was heard. Tiberius inquired into this 
occurrence and confirmed it. Daemons can therefore perish. 
We smile, too, over the trouble which Plutarch has taken in 
the Daemon of Socrates^ to explain prophecy by the genius, 
whose voice was particularly audible to a philosopher of so 
pure a mind. He emphatically takes this genius to be an 
oracle-giving daemon. 

The Epicureans made light of this new belief in oracles 
and daemons. Oenomaus, of whose writings Eusebius made 
an abridgment, laughed at the oracles as deceptions of con- 
jurers.^ But the criticism of the school of Epicurus, and the 
wit of Lucian, were of no avail, for the credulous common 
people took no notice of them ; while apologists for the 
oracles were to be found among the first intellects of the time, 

^ Doellinger, Heidenthum und Judentkumy p. 649 sq. Friedlaender, iii. 
527 sq, Marquardt, R. Staatsv. iii. 95. The history of the most eminent 
oracles in Bouche-Leclerc. 

' De Defectu Oraculorum. In. c. 5 he complains that in Boeotia, which 
fonnerly was full of oracles, the one at Lebadea alone exists. See also 
Cur Pythia nunc non reddat Oracula, 

' Eusebius, Praep, Evang.y v. and vi. : 0«pA yurtfnav. 

CHAP. XVI] Hadrian's Mysticism 303 

as the example of Plutarch has shown. Soothsayers and 
star-gazers from Egypt and Chaidaea swarmed in the Roman 
empire, and carried on a profitable business. People crowded 
in procession with offerings to their altars, to their images of 
saints and talismans, and to their mystical secret closets, 
where departed spirits were seen, and dead men were heard 
to prophesy. Lucian and Favorinus attempted in vain to 
ridicule the idea that our resolutions and actions can be 
determined by the position of the stars.* 

If such an intellectual man as Hadrian was addicted to 
the secrets of astrology, and practised the arts of Eastern 
necromancy, his example must have lent as much weight to 
these delusions as the Papal Bulls gave to the belief in magic 
and witchcraft. Before he ascended the throne, omens of his 
imperial dignity reached him from the Sibylline books and 
the poems of Virgil, from the oracle of Jupiter Nicephorus, 
and from the Castalian fountain near Antioch, which he then 
had walled up as dangerous.* As a skilled astrolc^er, he 
inquired into his own future, and it was said of him, that he 
calculated the events and actions of every day beforehand.' 
Pliny the younger believed in omens and signs of wonder 
as well as Suetonius, whose history of the Caesars is full of 
accounts of the strangest prodigies. It may be seen on what 
a fertile soil the Christian love of the marvellous fell in 
the Roman world. 

The mystical disposition of Hadrian is indicated by a 
Sibylline poet, who addresses Rome thus : 

" lUit ns soon as fifteen imperious kings have ruled over you, 
Knslavinjj the people from morning until evening, 
Then will come a prince grey-haired who is named after the sea, 
\Vhr> travels over the world with profane footsteps, bringing presents 
And licasures in silver and gold, many more than the enemy has. 
All these things he amasses, and then sails homewards with the booty. 
He knows all mysteries too, magical and hidden, 

* Favorinus on Astrology, in Gellius, xiv. i. 

' Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 12, 8 ; Sozomen, H, EccL v. 19. 

'The remarkable passage in Spartianus, c. 16: mathesin sic scire sibi 
visus est ut sero kalendis Januariis scripserit, quid ei toto anno posset 
evenire, ita ut co anno quo perit usque ad illam horam qua est mortuus 
scripserit, quid acturus esset 

304 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

Points out a boy as a god, and destroys what is sacred, 
Unbolting the doors of the ancient mystic illusion." ^ 

It is here asserted of Hadrian, that he penetrated into 
all mysteries, and this agrees with what Tertullian and Julian 
have said of him.' Although it is not known that he was 
initiated into any but the Eleusinian mysteries, it is not 
to be doubted that on his travels he became acquainted with 
many of the mysteries of Greece, Syria and Egypt For 
his spirit of inquiry was certainly as great as that of Septimius 
Severus, of whom Dion said, that he left nothing human or 
divine unexplored.' There are traits in Hadrian as a child of 
his time, which^make him appear related to a Peregrinus and 
an Alexander. \He too, degenerates into the religious con- 
jurer ; he invents a new god, and an oracle which wins 
acceptance like the Paphlagonian god of Glycon. Did this 
imperial caprice arise from the consciousness of the divinity 
which was ascribed to him, as to all the Caesars, by the 
servile flattery of mankind ? His attempt too, to become 
the founder of a religion may also have been ironical. Did 
Hadrian despise the folly of mankind, and on that account 
make fools of them ? Was he only an artist when he created 
the god Antinous, the embodiment of beauty ? Was he at 
the bottom an atheist like Lucian and the Epicureans? No 
one can say ; the religion of this enigmatical man remains a 
mystery to us. Nor was he a follower of any one philosophic 
system. Spartianus says of him, that he was ardently devoted 
to the worship of the Roman gods, despising strange gods, by 
which Syrian and Egyptian divinities are to be understood.^ 

^ Sibyli, viii. 50 sq, (ed. Alexandre, Paris, 1869) : 

Kal ttayucCw ddi^rfair fAvtrHipia. irdrra fuB4^fi 

Kd^ dpxvt fd wXdm^t fiwrHipta. iraaiv dvof^ei. 
See also v. 46 ; xii. 163-175. 

^ The expression of Tertullian about Hadrian, ' quamquam curiositatum 
omnium explorator,' refers also to religious mysteries, as it occurs in con- 
nection with Christianity. — Apologet. adv, gentes^ c. 5. 

'/i^ d»B^i¥Qv itHfrt $tio¥ ddupeOtnrrw icaroXiircu', Dion Cassius, Ixxv. 13. 

* Spart c. 22 : Sacra Romano diligentissime curavit, peregrina con- 
tempsit. Tiberius forbade aegyptios judaicosque ritus, Suetonius, 7i'<Afr. 
c. 36. 

CHAP. XVI] The Deification of Antinous 305 

As head of the state, he showed the religion of the state the 
reverence that was her due. In Rome he restored old temples 
and built new ones. On the coins of Hadrian are to be seen 
the three divinities of the Capitol. One medal represents 
Jupiter as protector of the emperor himself; the god stands 
as a colossal figure, holding the thunderbolt in his right 
hand, which is stretched over Hadrian, while he shields him 
with his cloak. The emperor's attitude is that of a suppliant; 
he is depicted as a small figure, recalling the humility of 
Christian kings or of the Popes, who in imitation of the 
heathen method of representation before the time of Christ, 
are portrayed on mosaics as dwarfs.* 

Pausanias, indeed, called Hadrian one of the most god- 
fearing emperors, with reference most likely to his temple 
building.* He built temples enough, but this he may have 
done as an artist ; and, moreover, he dedicated them to no 
god, but left them without a name.' There is no doubt 
that he willingly agreed to his own elevation as Olympian 

If temples were erected to the majesty of Hadrian, they 
would surely also be erected to the companion whom he 
raised to equal divinity with himself? By the apotheosis 
of Antinous, Hadrian stamped his imperial seal upon the 
superstition of the century. But this act made much less 
impression upon the contemporary world than it has made 
upon i)osterity. Apotheosis was the greatest honour in 
antiquity which could be given to mortals, associating them 
with the gods as heroes, and honouring their memory 
with festival games. The deification of mortals passed from 

^ Frochner, Les M^daillons de PEmfiire Romaifiy Paris, 1878, p. 28 : 
HADRIAN . AUG . COS. HI . P . P.— jovi CONSERVATORI. A large bfonze of 
Trajan with the legend CoNSERVATORl Patris PATRIAE has the same 
motive, and Frochner ascribes it to the Flavians. There are similar 
medals, on which Jupiter Custos protects the emperors Marcus Aurelius 
and L. Verus.— Medals of Hadrian, HADR . AUG . P . P.— Jovi opt . MAXIMO 
S.P.Q.R., p. 29. Other medals of Hadrian referring to the gods of the 
Capitol, p. 26 sq, 

*'A9piaMoO r^ re 4t r6 ^etor rt/tiit M irXeiirror A06rrot, v. 1 4. In the Middle 

Ages, too, all kings who built churches and cloisters were considered 

god-fearing, and William of Sicily was for that reason called the ''Good.** 

' Lampridius, AUx, Sruerus^ c. 43. 


3o6 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

Paganism into the Christian Church in the form of beatifica- 
tion and canonization. Altars were dedicated to the saints 
as heroes of the faith. The Italians of the Renaissance 
recognized the connection between the two apotheoses, the 
heathen and the Christian, quite correctly when they spoke 
of the saints as Divi, But, on the whole, Paganism was 
more sparing than the Christian Church of its apotheoses. 
The ancient calendar of heroes pales before the myriads of 
Christian saints, and the sixty folio volumes of the Acta 
Sanctorum, The Spartans cannot be blamed for deifying 
their Lycurgus, nor the people of Smyrna for offering sacri- 
fices to Homer, nor the Athenians, who placed among the 
immortals the heroes who fell at Marathon. But the Greeks, 
unfortunately, took the contemptible flattery of Asia Minor 
for an example, and deified power. In the time of the 
Diadochi they honoured the followers of Alexander even 
in their lifetime as gods, and then they raised to the skies 
the Roman generals, Flaminius and Sulla. This worship 
of men would cause less sensation in Egypt where the 
Lagidae had inherited the divine honours of the Pharaohs. 
Augustus was glorified in hieroglyphic inscriptions as a 
child of the Sun.^ 

The Romans, indeed, adopted the idea of apotheosis from 
the Greeks, and Caesar first received consecration as Divus 
Julius. A comet which appeared in the sky was declared to 
be his soul.^ Emperor-worship then became the real religion 
of the state, and the provinces of Europe were obliged to 
conform to it. Tacitus has told us how the cities of Asia 
vied with each other through their ambassadors, in begging 
the favour from Tiberius of being allowed to build a temple 
to him,* There was scarcely a city of importance in Greece 
which had not solicited the honour of the Neocoria, that is, 
the distinction of the temple-worship of the emperors of 
Rome.* Every emperor was already a god in his lifetime. 

^ Doellinger, Heidentkum und Judenthum^ p. 14. 

* Suetonius, Caes, c. 88. A temple was erected to him on the Forum by 
Augustus, the real founder of emperor-worship, on which in 'general see 
Preller, Rdm, Mythologie, 

'Tacitus, Ann. iv. 55. 

* Hermann, Gottesdienstlichi Alterthumer der Griecheft^ § 12. 

CHAP. XVI] Aiitinous 307 

In a work of art Augustus is represented as Jupiter, with his 
foot on the globe, close to Livia, who stands by him in the 
guise of Venus. A famous bas-relief at San Vitale in 
Ravenna represents him in the same fashion.* If the 
Olympieum in Athens had been completed in his time, 
he would have been worshipped there as Zeus, before 

The apotheosis of Antinous loses, therefore, its distinction 
as soon as it is brought into connection with the ideas of the 
time, but it retains its moral enormity when we consider what 
this deified youth was in his lifetime. Every one knew his 
history as well as the citizens of Abonotichos knew the origin 
of their prophet Alexander. The profane caprice of Hadrian 
would scarcely be excused in the judgment of thoughtful 
contemporaries by the idea that the sacrificial death of the 
youth entitled him to the fame of a hero.' Dion expressly 
.«?ays that the emperor became a laughing-stock, when he 
asserted that he had seen the star of Antinous.' But 
it is a melancholy reflection that the gods were not 
only laughed at by the critical spirit of the atheist, but that 
the belief in them arose merely from the servility and fear 
of men. 

In Antinoe, Hadrian set up an oracle to his favourite, with 
soothsayers and all the other needful theatrical apparatus.^ 
He proceeded much in the same way as the lying prophet 
Alexander, and like him he stooped to write oracles in verse.* 
As there was already an Ethiopian god of oracles in this 

' A. Conze, Die Familie des Augustus^ tin Relief in S, Vitale mu Ravenna^ 
1867. A bronze statue from Herculaneum also represents Augustus as 

•Such is the interpretation of Hausrath, NeutestainentHche Zeitgesch, 
ii. 480. I certainly think that Antinous' sacrificial death recalls the death 
of Osiris and Adonis. 

' tiih. ToOra inkv oiV iffKilnrrtTO, — Dion, Ixix. 1 1. 

* The irpo^^roi or oracle priests of Antinous in Antinoe are referred to by 
Hegesippus in Eusebius, //. E. iv., c 8. 

^Spart. c. 14 : et Graeci quidem volente Hadriano eum consecraverunt 
oracula per eum dari adserentes, quae Hadrianus ipse composuisse 
iactatur. It is hard to say where Hadrian could impart oracles to 
inquirers, as the temple of Antinous in Besa can only have been finished 
after his departure from Egypt. 

3o8 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

place, the ancient Besa, the emperor blended him with 
Antinous in one person. The Egyptians could still worship 
Besa in him, while he was Antinous to the Greeks.* 

If the ruler of the world became the prophet of the new 
divinity, he was sure to find recognition for his creature so 
long as he lived. But nothing shows more clearly the 
strong necessity for worship among mankind at that time, 
than the fact that this oracle of Antinous was still in 
existence in the third century. Origen believed that in 
Antinoe, magicians and daemons carried on their mysterious 

Antinoe was a Greek city, and it was the Greeks generally 
who acknowledged the Hadrianic god, and spread his worship 
abroad.' It might flatter their national vanity that the 
honour of Olympia had been bestowed upon one of their 
countrymen. In their eyes Antinous might signify Hellas, 
and the emperor could not carry his Philhellenic sympathies 
further than by raising a Greek to be a god. To the im- 
portance of a regular form of worship, however, Antinous did 
not attain, although Greece and Asia vied with each other in 
honouring him by altars and images. His chief seat in Hellas 
was Mantinea. For the emperor made use of a far-fetched 
genealogy, in which the Nicopolitans in Bithynia were said to 
have been colonists of Mantinea, in order to build a temple 
there to his Adonis.* He founded a yearly festival of 
dedication, and instituted games to be held every five years.* 
Pausanias saw many statues of Antinous in Mantinea, and 
beautiful pictures in the gymnasium there, representing him 
as Dionysus. 

In Athens too he was honoured with games. His statue 
was found in the ruins of the theatre. A marble chair was 
placed as a seat of honour for the priest of Antinous among 

^ Bouche-Leclerc, iii. 394. 

"Origen, 1/1 Cels, 3. 36. TertuUian, Apol. c. 13. Clement Alex. Pro- 
trept. 43. 

'The passage in Spart c. 14, also points this out. 

* Pausanias, viii. 9, 7. Medal in Fabretti, 462. 

^ Eusebius, H, E, iv., c. 8, mentions Hegesippus, at whose time the dTwr, 
'Ai^rir^eiot was Still celebrated. This ecclesiastical writer lived in the middle 
of the second century. 

CHAP, xvij Antinous 309 

the spectators.^ In Eleusis he passed as lacchus, and here 
too festival games were held in his honour.* 

Many other Hellenic cities have glorified him on their coins 
as Dionysus or lacchus, as hero and divinity. These coins 
are from Tarsus, Adramyttium, Adrianotherae, Amisus, from 
Ancyra, Mantinea, Bithynium, from Corinth, and Delphi, 
from ITierapolis, Cyzicus, Nicomedia, Nicopolis, from Sardis, 
Tyana, Smyrna, and Alexandria.' On a Corinthian coin 
Antinous is holding the winged Pegasus by the bridle ; 
the horse is supposed to be Borysthenes, Hadrian's charger* 
One of the finest busts of Antinous is on a medal from 
Nicopolis or Bithynium, his native city.^ 

Sometimes he is represented with Harpocrates, his com- 
panion in the society of the gods, sometimes with Apollo or 
Hermes. A griffin, a goat or a bull, a panther and a thyrsus, 
the moon and the stars, indicate one or another god whose 
incarnation he is. For Antinous was never considered a new 
god, but only a new manifestation of one of the existing 
deities. This was also often the case with the deified 
emperors. For the most part he appears in the guise of 
Dionysus, because this seemed most in accordance with his 
youthful beauty. His handsome appearance contributed 
largely to the fact that the worship of Antinous did not come 
to an end with Hadrian, for art has, in its portrayal of man, 
adopted him as a type of youth. 

But the worship of Antinous was confined to the East In 
the Latin West he made no impression upon the im^ination 
of men, and here little attention was paid to the Greek 
youth. But it is striking that Marcus Aureliu.s, in his 
Meditations, when he mentions by name Hadrian's most con- 

''l€/)^ci^t *Arnr6ou, Ephem, ArchcoL^ 1862, p. 162, n. 158. Rhusopulos 
ibid.^ p. 215, upon that statue ; p. 202, upon the 'Arrcy^eca h A^rec. Mention 
of a Ir/ieiH 'ApWr6oi' /^i(/9ov, ffom which Semiteles assumes that Antinous 
was honoured in Athens as Ephebus. 

• 'Arrir6€ta iw *RXriw(rc distinguished from those of Athens : i^ d^rci 
Lenormant, P Antinous if Eleusis^ Rev, Arch.^ 1874, p. 217. 

'Eckhel, vi. 528 sq. ; Cohen, ii. 267. 
^MafTei, Gemme antiche^ ii. 193. 

Mionnet, Sufipl, iv., pi. i. Those from Smyrna, flatteries of Polemon, in 
Cohen, ii. 268, and at the same place coins with Antinous and Hadrian. 

3IO The Emperor Hadrian [hook u 

fidential friends such as Celer, and the otherwise unknown 
Chabrias and Diotimus, never alludes to Antinous.^ This 
silence must have been intentional. As a Stoic, Marcus 
Aurelius would despise the farce of Antinous. We do not 
know if Hadrian took any particular trouble to naturalize his 
divinity in Rome. He was never acknowledged there pub- 
licly, as it would have required a decree of the senate ; and 
he had no temple in Rome. There are no Roman coins of 
Antinous, but a few inscriptions prove the existence of his 
worship there and in Italy, and for this the emperor was 
probably indebted to the Greeks. Servile souls, however, 
would not be wanting among Romans and Latins. As Justin 
Martyr said many a one will have sacrificed to the new god 
from eye-service and from fear, and will have put up his 
image in their houses. An inscription found on the field of 
Mars, from the temple of Isis, mentions Antinous as equal 
with the divinities of Eg^pt ; so he must have had an altar in 
the Egyptian temple at Rome.^ It is uncertain whether this 
inscription belongs to the time of Hadrian ; but we shall not 
be far wrong in thinking that the death of his favourite in the 
Nile first made the emperor himself a follower of the worship 
of Isis. Spartianus indeed commends him for dcspisin^^ 
strange gods, and it is not clear that Hadrian publicly par- 
ticipated in Rome in the mysteries of Isis, as did Domitian, 
and afterwards Commodus and Caracalla. The villa at 
Tivoli, however, bears witness to his connection with the 
gods of Egypt, even if only from the standpoint of art. 
From this villa come the colossal marble figure in the 
Vatican which represents Antinous as Osiris, and the Ilarpo- 
crates of the Capitol, his divine companion, who is depicted 
as the genius of silence, his finger on his lip. 

From the Tiburtinum a Latin inscription may have been 
carried to Tivoli, where it was found, comparing Antinous 
with Belenus.' But a Latin inscription from Lanuvium, the 

^ Marcus Aurelius, viii., 25, 37. Do Chabrias and Diotimus, he asks, 
still sit at the grave of Hadrian ? It would be ridiculous. 

*'Atrnp6<^ avp$p6p(^ rwr ip AlyvwT<^ BtStP M. O^Xtios 'AroXXi6ytot ll/x>^i^t. 
CLG. iii., n. 6007. 

' Antinoo et Beleno par aetas formaque par est cur non Antinous sit 
Belenus. Q. Siculus. — Orelli, 823. Belenus was a Celtic god and idealized 

ciiAr. XVI] Antinous 311 

present Civita Lavigna, proves that there was a temple in 
the neighbourhood of Rome in 132 A,D., only three years 
after the death of the deified youth, with a priesthood belong- 
ing to Diana and Antinous, a combination of divinities which 
is very singular.* Another inscription speaks of a priesthood 
of Atitinous in Naples, and it is probable enough that one 
should have been found in a Greek city.^ But in Ostia too 
there seems to have been a temple of Hadrian's god, for the 
statue that was found in the Lateran Museum represented 
him as Vertumnus.' Whether it was a statue in a temple, 
or whether it adorned some public garden, or belonged to a 
private owner, we do not know. As the colony of Ostia 
had received many benefits from the emperor, it might have 
wished to show its gratitude by acknowledging his god. 

It cannot be supposed that Lucian, who laughed at all 
gods, legitimate as well as barbaric, spared Antinous. But 
with the pnidcnce of a man of the world, he would not scoff 
at deified em|>erors, or at the deified creature of an emperor ; 
only in one single pass.ige in his Assembly of the gods he 
may have thought of Antinous, when he mentions Ganymede.* 
He did not venture to let him appear in Olympus, and this 
recognition was also refused him by the emperor Julian. For 
in his satire upon the Caesars he makes Silenus say, on the 
appearance of Hadrian in Olympus, that it was useless to look 

as Apollo, Fabretti, 325 ; Preller, Rom, MythoL i'., 270. The inscrip- 
tion seems ironical ; either it means the Celtic god or that Belenus was 
a beautiful youth belonging to Siculus, who seemed to him to deserve 
the divine honours of Antinous. 

' Ilenzcn, 6086: in templo Antinoi . . . cultorum Dianae et Antinoi. 
The birthdays of Diana, as also of Antinous ( V, Col, Dec) were celebrated, 
but this date cannot be accepted as the birthday of Antinous ; consult on 
this inscription the remarks of Mommsen, De coUegiis et sodaliciis Roman- 
ontm, p. 114. 

'Orelli, 2252. The municipium of Uovillae, near Rome, erected this 
inscription to a Roman knight, Myron, probably a Greek, who, under 
another title, was also designated as Fretriacus Neapoli Antinoiton et 
Eunoxtidon, i.e. a member or president of a phratry cultorum Antinoi et 

• Ilcnndorf und Schoene, Die antiken Bildwerke des lateran. Museum^ 
n. 74. 

* Assembly of the gods ^ c 8. 

312 The Emperor Hadrian [ ch.xvi 

for Antinous among the gods, for he was not there. Like 
Marcus Aurelius, Julian too despised this Antinous farce.^ 
Hadrian's Ganymede as, according to Prudentius, Antinous 
was called, was reason enough for the Christians to brand 
the heathen religion with boundless immorality. The Apolo- 
gists might indeed be grateful to the emperor; they all speak 
of Antinous.* They have not used too strong colours, 
when they speak of the unchastity of the Asiatic priests, and 
even of human sacrifices. Hadrian is said to have abolished 
these in the worship of Mithras, but Commodus again allowed 
them. And after all was the death of Antinous anything 
more than a mystical human sacrifice ? ' 

^ Julian, Caesaris, c 9. 

• Justin. Mart ApoL^ ii. 72 : tpO Arru^oJu tow rCr ycTcnf/t/rov, 0p jcol vdb^rci 
Cn 9th» dtA ^pou a4fi€tw &piifirro, iwiardfuwoi rls re 1^ koI v6$€p vwi^€. Athcna- 
goras, Apoi, 34. Tatian, contra Graecos^ p. 149. Pnidentius, contra 
Symmach^ i. 271. 

' About human sacrifices, Justin. Mart ApoL i., p. 5a Tatian, contra 
Graec.y p. 165. Lactantius, Divin, inst, i., c« 21. Tertullian, ApoL^ c 9. 
Compare what Lampridius, c. 8, says of Elagabalus : caedit et huroanas 
hostias lectis ad hoc pueris nobilibus et decoris. 


Attempts to restore Paganism. Plutarch and Lucian 

Great efforts were made, especially by the philosophers of 
the Platonic and Pythagorean schools, to prevent the decay 
of the ancient religion by reforming its morals. With 
Celsus, about whom little is known, except that he belonged 
to the age of Hadrian, Paganism b^an its struggle against 
the ever-growing power of Christianity in the days of Marcus 
Aurclius.* In the third century, the Athenian sophist Flavius 
Philostratus, the friend of the empress Julia Domna, wrote 
his famous romance Apollonius of Tyana as a reply to 

Though Philostratus was the first to make the historical 
figure of this early Pythagorean philosopher (who did not 
escape Lucian's satire),' the Antichrist of Paganism, yet 
long before his time there had been similar accounts and 
biographies of Apollonius, written by Damis, by Maximus of 
Acgae, and by Moeragenes. Hadrian himself kept in his 
library at Antium a collection of Apollonius' letters, probably 
only because he admired him as the greatest of magi- 

While Epicureans and Cynics in their atheism renounced 
the ancient mythology, while Sceptics and Stoics were in- 
different whether the gods existed or not, the Platonic 

' His writing 'AXiy^ X^yof is preserved in the extracts in Origen, contra 
Celsum ; Kellner, Hellenthum nnd Chris tenthum^ p. 35 x^. Most likely 
this was the Celsus to whom Lucian dedicated the history of the lying 
prophet Alexander. 

^ Alexander^ c 5. 

' Philostratus, Vita Apollon, viii. 19. 

314 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

theology arose, and made desperate efforts to save the old 
dogmas. These attempts could only originate in Greece, 
where religion had not degenerated into the ridiculous ex- 
cesses of Eastern worship, but formed an historical element 
in the nation, and they were supported both by philosophy 
and art. A highly-educated man like Plutarch took the 
most childish delight in the ancient Olympus. An enemy of 
materialism, he was the champion of the new Platonic doctrine. 
He wrote dissertations against the views of Epicurus and the 
Stoics, in which he made violent attacks upon the godlessness 
of the age, whose morals he undertook to improve by the 
doctrine of Plato. With the courage of a priest inspired by 
the fear of God, he inveighed against the vices of the time, 
the luxury and sensuality, the love for youths, the gladiatorial 
fights, the oppression of slaves. If there was anyone who 
could show in a world where the old faith was decaying, that 
philosophy and veneration for the gods produce happiness, it 
must have been Plutarch, who was in himself the most con- 
tented and most fortunate man of the antiquity that was 
soon to perish. 

His industry and thoroughness, his acquaintance with the 
old philosophers and poets, his fervent zeal and his noble 
morality are highly to be praised, but his logic is utterly 
weak. The ground of the ancient religion which he wishes 
to defend, gives way under him, for these Olympian deities 
are only petrifactions ; they may adorn an art museum, but 
philosophy can never again restore them to moral and in- 
tellectual power. Plutarch takes refuge, as Plotinus and 
Porphyry after him, in the misty realm of daemonology. 
The daemons are obliged to appear as intermediate beings, 
taking upon themselves the follies and crimes of the gods, 
in order that the gods may be saved as abstract beings 
from moral ruin. He shelters himself too behind allegory, 
and the moral meaning of mythology,^ and becomes a 
complete mystic. Though he combats the vulgar supersti- 

^ De audiendis poetis^ an interesting work in which Plutarch shows 
young men how to treat the myths of the poets, namely, morally and 
artistically, so that what the poets say is not to be considered absolutely 
true, but is to be interpreted according to the situation and idiosyncrasies 
of the characters. 

CHAP, xvii] Plutarch 315 

tion of the people, he still clings to the delusion of auguries 
and necromancy. 

The writings of Plutarch can scarcely have been convincing 
to a philosopher of the time, but they appealed all the more 
to the sentimental as moral books of devotion. In his dis- 
course upon the Daisidaevtonia^ is contained the principle 
of his ethics, that men should love, not fear the gods. Ac- 
cord incj to his view, ignorance arises from two sources, godless- 
ncss and su|)crstition.- The godless man disbelieves in the 
gods, in order that he may not be obliged to fear them ; the 
sujjerstitious man believes in them, but he looks upon them 
as beings who inspire horror and dread. The gods, however, 
are not to be hated, but are to be treated with confidence, 
hope, and affection. Plutarch developed these views still 
further in his work against the Epicureans, where he wishes 
to prove that man cannot live happily by following the 
atheistic doctrines of Epicurus. It is better to cling to the 
belief in the gods, to honour and even to fear them, than to 
abandon all hope, and in " evil times " all recourse to the 
heavenly powers. A sojourn in the temple, banquets and 
plays give more pleasure, when they are celebrated in con- 
nection with sacrifices, mysteries and dances. For the thought 
of God delivers man from fear, and fills him with excessive 
joy. But he who has renounced Providence can have no 
part in this joy. Bravely, too, does Plutarch defend the 
belief in immortality and in reunion after death. His youth- 
ful contemporary, the Greek rhetorician Aelius Aristides 
from Madriani in Mysia, a pupil of Polemon attempted, like 
Plutarch, with real piety and enthusiasm to restore the ancient 
belief in the gods.* 

In opposition to such visionary attempts of the Pytha- 
goreans and Platonists to prop up sinking Olympus by 
dacmonology, and by a system of ethics which approached 
Christianity, Lucian appeared as their most formidable foe. 
The sophist of Samosata seems insignificant beside the 
priestly figure of Plutarch, but he carried weapons which 
were formidable enough. The multitude are more susceptible 
to the ridiculous than to the sublime. We can estimate the 

' See his orations on gods, and the work of Baumgart, Aelius Aristides 
ah Representant der sophist, Rhetorik^ 1874. 

3i6 The Emperor Hadrian [book h 

effect produced at the time by the pitiless but popular satires 
of this pamphleteer, by the fact that his writings even 
to-day make the most striking impression, although many 
contemporary references can no longer be understood. 
Lucian despised Christianity ; this new mystery of " the 
crucified magician " appeared to him, as to the emperor 
Hadrian, and to every one in the higher circles of society, 
something so absurd^ that he only contemptuously mentioned 
it in a few places in his writings.^ Nevertheless, his atheism 
became one of the strongest allies of Christianity, and his 
wit made a breach in the ancient faith which no philosophy 
or doctrine of ideas of the Neoplatonists could ever heal. 

Lucian gave the death-blow to ancient mythology by his 
dialogues of the gods. His polemics are directed, like those 
of the Christian apologists, against anthropomorphic fables. 
The weaknesses of the gods are turned into ridicule. Zeus 
is a chatterer, a boaster, a Don Juan ; Mercury, a thief ; 
Bacchus, a drunkard ; Apollo, a deceitful soothsayer. The 
myths of Homer, the Metamorphoses of Ovid, the tragedians 
are all despised on account of their preposterous and fabulous 
tales. These remarks apply to the native, and consequently 
ancient gods of Greece. Lucian proceeds to review the whole 
fantastical Olympus of his time, which swarms with strangers. 
It is a theocracy or combination of gods which produced in 
the last centuries of Paganism a chaotic religion. The gods 
migrating into Rome from foreign provinces find themselves 
in the Pantheon of the empire, and become citizens of Rome. 
What is said of Rome may be said of the empire. Religion 
is broken up into a thousand sects. These gods, genii, and 
daemons are innumerable ; the more foreign and mysterious 
they are, the more they look like Egyptian and Chaldean 
deities, the more they are sought after. The gods of Greece, — 
Zeus, into whose place the emperor stepped, Apollo, whose 
oracle at Delphi had lost its charm, — were wjUingly exchanged 
and united with the powers of the mystic service of nature, 

^ Strictly speaking, only in Alexander and Pen^rmus ; for other 
passages, as in Philospeudes^ c. 16, in the Vera historia^VLiid. in the Fij^ht 
of Endymion with Pkaethon^ can only be considered as containing 
strained allusions to the Christians. Kellner, Hellenismus und Christen- 
ium^ p. 89 sq. 

ciiAr.xviij Lucian 317 

with Isis and Osiris, with Serapis and Anubis, with Attys and 
Adonis, with Mithras, Astarte and the Nature goddess Rhea. 
This great goddess herself has a hundred names (which are 
to be found in the eleventh book of Apuleius): she is the 
goddess of Pessinus, the Paphian Venus, Minerva, Ceres, 
Diana, Proserpina, Isis, and Cybele in Hierapolis, whose 
worship Lucian has described in his Syrian Goddess} 

In the Assembly of the gods he makes Momus complain of 
the novices who have sneaked into Olympus, and who have 
sat down with the ancient gods to an equal portion of nectar 
and ambrosia. Above all, Jupiter is particularly anxious to 
save Ganymede, and he would take it very ill if Momus 
tried to injure his favourite by attacks upon his ignoble 
descent. But Attys and Corybas and Sabazius and the 
turbaned Mithras, who cannot speak one iota of Greek, much 
more all these Scythians and Getae, who have been made 
into ^ods by their own people, how do they come into 
01ym|nis? Or Anubis, the dog's face swathed in linen, the 
bull of Memphis, the ibis, the apes? All this Egyptian 
nonsense Jupiter himself thinks disgraceful, but admits that 
there is some hidden meaning in it Lucian laughs at the 
mysteries, naively making Momus ask : " Do we require 
mysteries to know that gckJs are gods, and that heads of 
dogs are heads of dogs ? " The piece closes with a decree 
commanding the gods to appear before a commission, and 
show their pedigree. 

In the dramatic farce too of Jupiter TragoeduSy the 
chaotic mixture of all national religions is turned into ridicule 
with biting sarcasm. With inimitable wit Lucian makes the 
gods take their place according to their value in metal. On 
the urgent summons of the herald Mercury they come 
running in, gods of gold, of silver, of ivory, of bronze 

* How great was the mixture of religious ideas after the fusion of the 
Syrian worship of gods with that of the Greeks is apparent in the temple 
of the Syrian goddess in Hierapolis. It is a panth^n or museum of 
statues, where are to be found Rhea-Juno, Jupiter, Baal-Apollo, Atlas, 
Mercury, Lucina, Semiramis, Sardanapalus, the Trojan heroes, Stratonice, 
Combnbus, and in the portico there are colossal pillars, on one of which 
twice a year a man remains seated sleepless for seven days, as a pillar 
saint. — Lucian, Dea Syria, 

3i8 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

and of marble. The barbarian gods, Bendis, Attys, Mith- 
ras, Anubis take the front seats because they are made of 
gold. This gives rise to most comical scenes. Lucian 
derides the gods for their ridiculous anthropomorphism. The 
question turns on a quarrel between two argumentative philo- 
sophers, the Epicurean Damis and the Stoic Timocles, which 
Jupiter says he overheard as they were walking towards the 
Poecile at Athens. Damis denied the existence of the gods, 
which Timocles maintained. The latter is nearly being de- 
feated, when Jupiter separates the parties by the approach of 
night. On the following day the dispute is to be resumed. 
Jupiter has summoned a meeting of the gods to devise means 
by which the victory may be assured to the weak-headed 
Timocles, as the honour and the existence of the heavenly 
powers are at stake. He makes a speech to the citizen-gods, 
with expressions from the first Olynthian oration of Demos- 
thenes, in which he soon breaks down. The gods, according 
to their different characters, give the most ridiculous advice. 
Meanwhile, Hermagoras, the statue of Hermes Agoraeus, 
comes running up from the Athenian market-place, and 
announces the beginning of the philosopher's dispute. The 
heavens are opened, the gods look down. " As we cannot 
do more," says Jupiter, "we will at least pray with all our 
might for Timocles." The absurdity of this idea is most 

The argument proceeds. Timocles merely produces weak 
arguments for his belief, while the Epicurean dismisses the 
idea of a Divine Providence, as well as of individual deities, 
with biting wit; a Providence which permits evil, gods which 
are arbitrary creations of the people, sometimes human beings, 
sometimes the elements, onions, crocodiles, cats, apes, earthen 
pots and dishes. Timocles then makes as little way with 
the theological argument of the consensus gentium as with the 
other proofs which he brings forward ; but he finally saves 
himself by the following masterly syllogism : " If there are 
altars there must be gods, and as there are altars, therefore 
there are gods." This is merely an appeal to the custom of the 
people and to authority. The people would be furious if they 
ivere deprived of their formulas, their images of the gods, their 
robes of purple, and their theatrical costumes. In conclusion, 

CHAP, xviij Lucian 319 

Jupiter says : " For all that, Mercury, it was a fine thing 
which king Darius said of Zopyrus ; and I confess too, that 
I would rather have one champion like Damis, than ten 
thousand Babylons." 

The continuation of Jupiter Tragoedus is given by Lucian 
in Jupiter Convinced, A Cynic begs permission from Zeus 
to ask him a few questions. He only wants to know if it is 
tnie as said by Homer and Hcsiod, that no one can escape 
from the goddess of destiny, and from the fates. Jupiter says 
this is so, and also admits that fate rules over the gods ; he 
is therefore obliged to concede that they are only idle 
machines. With this avowal Olympus itself is destroyed, 
and prediction by oracle is represented as an absurdity ; for 
what does it avail for mortals to seek to know the future, if 
they cannot escape the decree of destiny? In the same way 
the judgment after death of good and bad will be annulled, 
for if destiny rules over everything, moral freedom and 
responsibility for our actions are no longer possible. 

Everything which Plutarch discussed with such care, 
oracles, mysteries, providence and fate, collapses before these 
syllogisms of the Cynics and the Epicureans. Lucian is 
indefatigable, when it is a question of destroying ancient 
dogma. He despises the oracles of Trophonius and Amphi- 
lochus, which were still important in his day, and he especially 
despises the most legitimate of all, the Delphic oracle. 
In Jupiter Tragoedus he makes Momus ask Apollo, if, as 
Apollo is so great a soothsayer, he will tell the gods which 
of the two philosophers will carry off the victory. Apollo 
first makes the paltry excuse that he has not got his oracle 
apparatus at hand, the tripod, the frankincense, and the 
Castalian fountain, and then he allows a very foolish prophecy 
to be extracted from him. 

The doctrines of the immortality of the soul, and of the 
life in Elysium and Tartarus, are no less the objects of 
Lucian*s irony. To these belong his dialogues of the dead, 
reminding us often in their scenes of Dante's Inferno, No 
one escapes his scourge, neither Socrates nor Empedocles 
(half-roasted on Etna), nor Pythagoras, who in the joyless 
Hades no longer despises the forbidden bean, as doctrines 
change in the Stygian world. Achilles, Alexander, Hannibal, 


320 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

what are they in the lower world ? What has become of 
Alexander, worshipped after death as the god Ammon and 
the Indian Bacchus ? He who now shares the fate of other 
shadows in a world where there are no distinctions, and where 
the worms which feed on kings are all-powerful, is used as 
an example by the scoffing, though worldly-wise Lucian to 
illustrate the absurdity of imperial apotheoses. Lucian agrees 
with the philosophy of Marcus Aurelius and of Hamlet that 
I all is vanity, that heroic deeds, costly possessions, and the 
I best attempts to attain the ideals of life are but an empty 
show. Here he meets the Stoics on their own ground, 
unintentionally, and falls like Voltaire into a contempt for 
life and for mankind. 

Plutarch is therefore right in the caution which he gives 
(in his work on the Epicureans), against this pessimism which 
arises from godlessness. But Lucian is not to be taken too 
literally, for he soon becomes an Epicurean again, praising 
I the present moment as the only certainty in life, and valuing 
I above all contentment, moderation and modest self-esteem. 
' The ideal is non-existent for him. Absolute science, philo- 
sophy, religion, are only objects of satire, the rest is merely 
the enjoyment of the moment ; beyond that there is nothing. 
In this way Lucian, the critic of the Greek and Roman 
world, arrived at Nihilism, like the encyclopaedists of the 
eighteenth century, setting up instead of the gods, the goddess 
of the common human understanding, or of reason on the 
throne. The words of Pronto, the royal tutor, who possessed 
no spark of Lucian's wit, ring out wonderfully, and are 
almost like the words of a prophet of the French Revolution, 
when he says on one occasion, that many temples have been 
built to fortune, but that to reason there has been neither a 
statue nor an altar erected.^ 

Meanwhile the perpetual needs of the soul, which could no 
longer find satisfaction in the insipid worship of the gods, 
sought among the mysteries for a deity who had not yet 
been profaned. It was no longer Greece but the East, the 
birthplace of religions for the whole world, whence these 
rites came. The mind of Europe was turned towards the 

^Ep, iii. Quis ignorat— templa fana delubraque publica fortunae 
dicata, rationi nee simulacrum nee aram eonseeratum. 

CHAP, xvii] Importance of the East 321 

East. From thence the Asiatic religions penetrated into the 
West, finding each one their adherents, as they proclaimed 
more or less the power of repentance, and the immor- 
tality of the soul. This attracted numerous followers to 
the worship of Mithras especially in the third century. The 
political, as well as the intellectual centre of gravity of the 
empire, seemed to incline gradually to the East Trajan 
had already sought it there, and it was in the East that 
Hadrian travelled most frequently, and with the greatest 
pleasure. The theatre of the world's history was trans- 
ferred to the East under the two Seven, under Elagabalus, 
the priest of the sun, and under the thirty Tyrants. The 
newly-established empire of the Sassanidae was the centre 
of future events, until Constantine took his seat at Byzan- 
tium and made Christianity, the most powerful and the 
most profound of all the mysteries of the East, the religion 
of the world. 


7'he Spread of Christianity. The Christian Religion a 
^' Religio Illicitae HadriarCs Toleration of the 
Christians. Rescript of Hadrian to the Proconsul 
Fundanus. The Christian Apologists 

The Christian religion was not a hundred years old when 
Hadrian ascended the throne, and it already had adherents 
in every province of the empire. It came from Palestine, 
and penetrated by way of Damascus over the commercial 
highways of the Phoenicians into Asia Minor, by Troas into 
Greece, and by Cyprus towards the West. In every emporium 
of the Mediterranean Christianity had taken its place among 
the heathen.^ 

The destruction of nationalities by the Roman empire, the 
weakness of the heathen state church in consequence of the 
decay of the ancient religions owing to the mixed kind of 
worship, philosophic atheism and scepticism on one side, the 
morality of the Stoics on the other, credulity in miracles, and 
the craving for salvation by means of fresh mysteries, the 
depravity of manners, despotism, and the slavery of the lower 
classes, — all these things had combined to prepare the ground 
throughout the Roman empire for the doctrine of the apostle. 
The first general language of the Church was everywhere the 
Greek language.* It was only through the Roman empire 

^ Movers, Phaenizien^ iii. i, p. i sq, 

^ Even the Roman liturgy was Greek ; and as late as the third cen- 
tury Greek epitaphs of the Popes are found in the catacombs (De Rossi, 
Roma Sotier. ii.). In the second century the Roman bishops were 
chiefly Greeks (Evaristus, Telesphorus, Hyginus, Anicetus, Soter, Eleu- 

BK. II. CH. xviii] Christianity 323 

that Christianity became a world-religion. In the time of 
Hadrian a network of well-organized communities was spread 
over the whole empire, from the Euphrates as far as Gaul, 
Spain, Britain and Roman Africa. 

It has been remarked that this emperor rendered a service 
to Christianity by transforming Jerusalem into a Roman 
colony, and by thus compelling the Christian community of 
Palestine to renounce for ever the national limits of Judaism. 
From that time the original metropolis of the Christian 
Church could never again be its ruling centre, which from 
historical necessity Rome became. Although the bishopric 
there had at first no greater authority than that of Antioch 
and Alexandria, or even than the churches in Ephesus and 
Smyrna, in Corinth and Carthage, there were many circum- 
stances which combined to support the claim of the bishops 
of Rome to the supremacy, namely, the majesty of the im- 
perial city, the legend of the foundation of the Roman church 
by Peter, and finally, its extraordinary wealth.* No great 
personality laid the foundations of the empire of these Roman 
priests.* Their history, as late as the second century, is 
almost legendary, and it was not until three hundred years 
after Hadrian, when the victory of Christianity was assured, 
that a prominent figure appeared among the bishops of 

The struggle with sects which began in the first hour of 
its foundation, and the other heroic struggle, under repeated 
persecutions, with the Roman state, gave the Christian Church 
a particularly dogmatic stability and strength of faith. 

Even in the second century the Christians were looked 
upon by the Roman government as fanatical adherents of a 
mystery which was considered foolish and contemptible. But 
their sect was no longer confounded with Judaism. It was 
understood to be a peculiar society of Christiani or Galilaei, 
and as, unlike the synagogue of the Jews, it could make no 
claim to public toleration, it fell under the ban of Trajan's 
law, which forbade illegal societies. The Christians were 
persecuted in the days of Nero and Domitian. But after 

* Renan, Marc Aurile it la fin du monde antique^ P- 23 : le tr^sor'com- 
mun du christianisme ^tait en quelque sorte k Rome. 
' Karl Hase, Kircktngesck.^ p. 62. 

3^4 The Emperor Hadrian [booic n 

Qomitlan until the time of Decius, there was, in the opinion 
of. Lactantius, ho further persecution of the Christians. 
' But if there were such persecutions under Trajan and 
Hadrian they were not general, nor were they ordered by- 
imperial edicts. They were merely local, caused in the cities 
by popular tumults, by private hatred, and by the eager 
officialism of the Roman governors. While Eusebius and 
Jerome, Augustine and Orosius speak of a persecution of the 
Christians by Hadrian, Lactantius and Tertullian know 
nothing of it, and even Melito of Sardis, whose apology to 
the emperor Antoninus Pius has been preserved by Eusebius, 
merely mentions the persecutions under Nero and Domitian, 
and recalls as a contrast to them Hadrian's gracious rescript 
to the proconsul Fundanus.^ 

In the Jewish war of Barcocheba, the Christians had suffered 
much from the vengeance of the infuriated Romans, and their 
devotional places in Jerusalem had been built over, destroyed 
and desecrated by the colonists of Aelia Capitolina. From 
this fact Sulpicius Severus drew the erroneous conclusion, 
that Hadrian was an enemy to the Christians, although in 
the end he forbade as wicked this so-called fourth Christian 
persecution.* Legend, but not authentic history, recognizes a 
few martyrs of Hadrian's time. As such, are pointed out 
the Roman bishop Alexander, whose crypt has been found 
near the seventh milestone on the Via Nomentana, and the 
holy Symphorosa and her seven sons to whom the famous 
chqrch of the seven brothers on the Via Tiburtina was 

* Eusebius, H. EccL iv. 26 : Tertullian, ApologcL adv, gentcs, c 5, only 
knows of the persecution of Nero, and mentions Hadrian expressly as one 
of the emperors who enacted no laws against them. 

^Suip, Severus^ ed- Halm, ii. 31. Dodwell, Dissert. Cyprian, xi., § 22. 

'Eusebius knows no single martyr of Hadrian's time. The death of 
Alexander is placed by him before the emperor's accession, in 132 A.D. 
by the Lib. Pontificalis. The death of Symphorosa and her sons is only 
laid in the time of Hadrian by a martyrology ascribed to Julius Africanus. — 
Hausrath, NeutestamentL Zeitgesck,, p. 529. Irenaeus, iii. 3, is the only 
writer who speaks of the martyr Telesphorus. The catalogue of martyrs 
under Hadrian in Champagny, Les Antonins, iii., p. 46, 94, is destitute 
of all foundation. The legendary number of 4000 martyrs under Hadrian 
is rejected by De Rossi, Roma Soterr, ii., c. 27. 

CHAP, xviii) Hadrian's Toleration 325 

Like all Romans of. distinction, Hadrian viewed 'the 
Christians with contempt, as is shown ' by his letter to 
Scrvianus from Egypt. He looked upon them as fanatics of a 
Syrian myster}% which horrified the cultivated heathen, as its 
central point was the ignominious crucified Christ Tacitus, 
and even Suetonius, * Hadrian's secretary, described them as 
refractory and gloomy heretics who were cursed with the 
odium generis hninani} This was the fixed opinion in court 
circles, in spite of the converts which the gospel had already 
made, even in the imperial palace in the time of Nero and the 
Flavian emperors. Among the mysteries of the East* which 
excited the curiosity of Hadrian, the teaching of the apostles 
would scarcely have found a place. His mind, however, was 
so free and open that he never showed himself ah eneniy 
to Christianity ; he was more tolerant than . the Stoic 
Marcus Aurelius, who considered it his duty to apply tKe 
severity of the imperial law to the professors of the new 
religion.* The opposition of tfhc Christians to the worship of 
the imperial gods, and "their heterogeneous society had only 
Jiithcrto called forth the sentence of the prefect, without pro- 
voking the learning of the heathen to a contest. None of 
the literary men who surrounded Trajan and Hadrian cast 
a critical glance upon the meaning of the dogmas of the 

Under the Antonines, however, they t>egan to be an object 
.of interest to heathen sophists, and with the increasing 
power of the Christian religion came apologies for paganism. 
The list begins with tlie philosopher Celsus, aboiit 150 A.D., 
•and goes on to Philostratus, Porphyry, lamblichus, to the 
emperor Julian and the sophist Libanius, to Eunapius and 
Zosimus, and the Neoplatonist Proclus until towards the end 
.of the fifth century.' 

So far was Hadrian from l>eing a persecutor of the 
Christians that, in fact, he was looked upon as their patron. 
For Dion maintains that he paid them honour, and Anto- 

'Suetonius, Nero^ i6 : Genus hominum superstitionis novae et malelicae; 
pomitian^ c. 15 : Comptentissima inertia. 

'This is shown by the martyrs of Lyons, Renany Marc Aurile^ c 19. 

^Stt KfWntx^ Hellenismus und Ckristenium, .:« 

326 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

ninus Pius was of the same opinion.^ In Eusebius the much 
discussed rescript is to be found, which Hadrian addressed to 
the proconsul of Asia, Caius Minucius Fundanus, on the 
strength of the representations made by his predecessor, 
Quintus Licinius Granianus, about the riotous proceeding's 
in the courts over the trial of Christians.* According to 
Roman law the followers of Christianity were sentenced if 
they avowed their Christian name, but if they disowned it 
they were set free. The judge punished the name and not 
the crime (Jlagitia cohaerentia nomini). 

This loss of civil rights by the Christians was established 
as a principle by Trajan, who gave orders in his letter to 
Pliny, that the Christians should not be sought out, but 
should be punished, if they were found, and convicted. By 
this epoch-making order the Christian profession of faith was 
declared to be a forbidden religion {religio tUicttd)} It re- 
mained the standard in conformity with which successive 
emperors acted. It was of the greatest importance to the 
Christians to escape from this position. Their apologists 
used legal means to have the name separated from the deed, 
and if they had succeeded, their creed would have become a 
recognized religion.* 

There has been a wish to see some favour of this kind in 
Hadrian's rescript, in which he instructed the proconsul of 
Asia not to condemn persons accused of Christianity on the 
mere clamour of the people and of tale-bearing sycophants, 
but to investigate the accusation carefully, to pronounce 
judgment if there were proof of criminal actions in keeping 
with the accusation, but to punish severely slanderous com- 

The famous rescript of " the great and illustrious emperor 
Hadrian" was added by Justin Martyr to his first apol(^y, 
which he presented to the emperor Antoninus and his 
adopted sons, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, in 138 or 

^ Dion Cassius, Ixx. 3, says of Antoninus : koX r$ tim 'AdpioifoO nui 1^ ^ceirot 
Mfia xp^ffTiOMobt^ wpoariBtlt ; but this may be an addition by Xiphilinus. 

' H, EccL iv. 9. 

' F. Chr. Baur, Das Christenthum und die christL Kirche, i860, p. 438 ; 
Neander, Gesck, der, christL Rtlig, i.* 171. 

* TertuUian, Apolog, c. 2. 

CHAP. XVIII] Hadrian's Rescript 327 

139 A.D. Eusebius translated the Latin text into Greek.^ 
Its genuineness has been disputed ; but the proconsuls of 
Asia who are referred to are not to be doubted from the 
records. Licinius Granianus governed this province in 123 
or 124 A.D., and his successor was C. Minucius Fundanus, 
the friend of Pliny and Plutarch.* 

In the decree sent to Fundanus a device of the Christians 
has been perceived to secure for Christianity the status of a 
recognized religion by an imperial edict of toleration. It has 
been shown that this rescript of Hadrian was never taken as 
a guiding principle by the judges, that under Hadrian's 
successors the persecutions of the Christians still went on, 
and that the maxims of Trajan were employed in all lawsuits, 
while the apologists continued to complain and to demand 
for their co-religionists equal civil rights.' These doubts are 
supported by a rescript composed in favour of the Christians, 
and ascribed to the emperor Antoninus Pius, which is more 
than questionable.^ 

To such doubts it has been replied that Justin could not 
possibly venture to appear before Hadrian's successor with a 
forgery, especially as Bishop Melito of Sardis referred to 
Hadrian's rescript, in the apology which he addressed to 
Marcus Aurelius.*^ But both bishops might have accepted in 
good faith a forgery that was circulated amongst the 
Christians. The opinion that no Christian forger would 
have been satisfied with asking so little in favour of his 

1 Apolog, i., c. 68, vol. i ; Opp. Justini^ ed. Otto, Jena, 1876. Runus 
has preserved the Latin text ; the Greek is from Euseb. H.E, iv., c. 9. 

' Waddington, Pastes desprav, AsiatiquiSy p. 197, 199. The name of the 
first is Q. Licinius Silvanus Granianus Quadronius {C.LL. iil, 4609, 
Borghesi, viii. 96 xq.), 

'Baur, Das Chrisienih, und die chrisiL Kirche^ i860, p. 493 sq.^ doubts 
the genuineness ; see also Th. Klein, Bedenken gegen dU Ecktheit des 
Hadr, Christen- Rescripts (Theol, Jahrbuch, 1856, 387 sq.)\ the literature 
on both sides in Otto, Justim M. Opp. i., p. 191, note. 

* Antonini Ep. ad. Commune Asiae (irp^t r6r irou^ r^t 'A^(aty, — Appendix 
to Justin (Otto, 3, L 344), and in Euseb. iv. 13. This edict was not added 
by Justin himself to his apology to Antoninus, for if he had been 
acquainted with it he would have made use of it instead of the rescript 
of Hadrian which said so little. 

' Eusebius, iv., c. 26. 

328 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

co-religionists, is more to the point. For the contents of the 
rescript refer merely to a more just and equitable dealing 
with the Christians. It was contrary to Hadrian's humane 
character to order that any encouragement should be given 
to the activity of avaricious informers.^ On the whole, how- 
ever, his decree is so indecisive that it gives neither a rule 
for legal procedure, nor for what constitutes " illegal " acts of 
the Christians.^ If the Christians had understood the rescript 
to be really an edict of toleration, they would unquestionably 
have laid the greatest stress upon it. But Justin did not do 
this ; he tells the emperor plainly that he bases his demand 
for equality in civil rights for the Christians less on Hadrian's 
letter than on the consciousness of justice itself. 

The rescript to Fundanus, as Mclito assures us, was only 
one of many of the same kind which Hadrian addressed to 
the governors of provinces as instructions for their guidance. 
His successors did not in any way consider it a statute of 
the constitution, but it lost its power, and the Christian com- 
munity remained as before, a Hetaeria, standing outside the 
constitutional law.* 

Eusebius is certainly mistaken in representing Hadrian's> 
letter as a consequence of the apologies for Christianity 
which were presented to the emperor by Quadratus, a pupil 
of the apostles and afterwards bi$hop of Athens, and by 
Aristides the philosopher. This niay have occurred during 
the emperor's first residence in Athens in 125 or 126 A.P;* 
but these early Christian apologies with which Eusebius was 
acquainted are )ost, so that the most ancient apology we 
possess is that of Justin to Marcus Aurelius.^ 

' Ua /lif T04t avKo^tdirralt x^>piy^ KaKoupyUit'vapQLax^0i, — See Neander, i. 173. 

*rc irapd rodt ^6fiovt wpdrrom-au By this I do not understand merely 
ordinary crime, but crime affecting religious matters, denial of t)ie gods, 
contempt for the genius of the emperor, etc 

> P. Aub^, L ApQlogdtiqut chrdtienue qu //* Siicie, Paris, 1861, p. 50 sg.^ 
has pointed this out.clear|y. The genuineness of the edicts of Hadrian, 
as of the Antonines, is maintained by Carl Wieseler, Vie Chris Un Ver- 
folgungen cUr Caesaren^ 1878) p* 18 x/., but he does not consider that 
they prove that the Christians enjoyed religious liberty. 

* Cayedoni, Nuavi cenni cronologici intorm alia dataprecisa delUprin- 
cipali apologie (p. 3X quite arbitrarily places these apologies in 123. A.D, 

• Carl Werner, Gesck, der apolog, und polem, liUraiur d€r chrisiL 

CHAP, xviii] The Christian Apologists 329 

It is difficult to fathom the motive which induced these 
two Athenians in their own native city, where nothing had 
been heard of the persecutions of the Christians, to intercede 
for them with Hadrian. We cannot, however, help treating 
this remarkable fact as historical. Some event in the 
communities of Greece, perhaps some local persecution or 
oppression, may have induced them to take the step; and 
the emperor, who admitted so many learned men and sophists 
to his presence, would scarcely refuse to receive these two 
Athenians, one of whom wore the garb of a philosopher. 
He probably laughed at them as a new kind of Greek char- 
latan, who worked wonders and raised, the dead in the name 
of Christ, while the community at Athens might hope for 
some good result from the love of justice and humanity, as 
well as from the intelligence of the emperor. But it would 
be going too far to think that the Christians of Greece had 
noticed the "dissatisfied truth-seeking" mind of Hadrian, 
or had any reason to suppose that his view of the world 
was similar to theirs, and that therefore the way was open 
to an attempt at his conversion.* 

Not until the century of Eusebiu^ was this humane and 
intellectual emperor counted a secret Christian or friend of 
the gospel. Lampridius relates that Alexander Sevferus 
wished to admit Christ among the gods, and that this was 
also in Hadrian's mind, as he erected temples in every city 
without statues, which on that account were simply called 
temples of Hadrian. But the emperor was diverted from 
this plan, because, when the oracle was consulted, an answer 
was returned that if this were done, all men would become 
Christians, and all other worship in the temples would cease.' 

In the Sibylline books too, is to be found a favourable 
opinion of Hadrian by a Christian poet, who says of him: "A 

Thtolflj^ie i., 86 ; Gaston- Boissier, Ijt religion Romaine iPAuguste aux 
Anioninsy i., p. 5. The Mechitarists in Venice published in 1*878 
5. Aristidisy philosophi aiktniensis^ Sermones duo^ of which one Is 
supposed to be the apology to Hadrian ; its genuineness, howevefi is 
doubted by Renan, FEglise chr/tiennty praef. vi. 

' This is the opinion of Hausrath, p. 534. . 

• Lampridius, Akx, Sn'., c. 43. Of such temples of Hadrian, those in 
Tiberias and Alexandria became Christian churches in the fourth century : 
Renan, Vkglise chr^lienne^ P- 43- 

330 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

king with a brow of silver, who bears the name of a sea, will 
build temples and altars in every city, will travel through the 
world on foot, and will understand all mag^c mysteries. So 
long as he, the prince of men, the sweet singer, the lawyer, 
the just judge reigns, will peace prevail. But he himself 
will fall, snatched away by his own destiny."^ 

The apologists know nothing of any secret leaning of 
Hadrian to Christianity ; but they endeavour with great 
skill to establish the relation of their own faith to paganism. 
They became converts to Christianity from the school of the 
sophists and of Plato, so that they still wore partially the 
garb of a philosopher. Justin Martyr from Flavia Neapolis 
or Shechem in Samaria, proved the immortality of the soul 
by the representations of necromancers and magicians, of 
poets and philosophers of antiquity. He called the Sibylline 
books, the songs of Homer, the comedies of Menander, the 
tragedians, Plato and the sophists to witness to the truths 
of the Christian religion ; and in the same way, Athenagoras 
attempted to prove the unity of God from Euripides and 
Philolaus, from Lysis and Plato, from Aristotle and the 
Stoics.* Justin looked upon the Platonic doctrine of the 
Logos as an incomplete manifestation of God to the heathen, 
and he connected it with the Christian theory of life.' It 
is nothing new he says that Christ as the Logos, born the 
Son of God, was crucified, and dead, and ascended into 
heaven. One need only think of Hermes as the Logos, the 
interpreter and teacher of Dionysius and Asclepius, and of 
Perseus the son of Danae ; and why should the emperors be 
placed among the gods ? Everyone thinks it a fine thing to 
be like the gods. The connection of Christianity with the reli- 
gions of the world lay therefore in the historical feeling of the 
early Church, and the golden saying of Justin proceeded from 
this view, "all those who have lived according to reason {\6yoi) 
are Christians, even though they were considered atheists, 
like Socrates and Heraclitus, and other great Greeks, and like 
Abraham, Ananias, and Azarias among the barbarians."^ 

^SibylL^ xii. 163-175, ed. C. Alexandre, Paris, 1869, and v. 46, where 
Hadrian is called wwdpirros di^p gal irdrra r6i|a'Ci. 

* Athenagoras, Leg"-, p. 5 s^. 
' Justin, Apo/, ii., p. 66 sg, 

* ApoL ii., p. 83. 

CHAP, xviii] Gnosticism 331 

A breath from the ancient temples, and from the philo- 
sophic schools of the heathen, penetrated not only into the 
forms of Christian worship, but into its spiritual existence. 
Faith in oracles and prophecies was so firmly rooted in the 
minds of men that even Christians could not free themselves 
from it. This explains the origin and the universal use 
of so many prophetical writings and apocalypses, like those 
of Abraham, Thomas, and Peter, and like the prophecies of 
Hydaspes and of the Sibylline books, to which Justin and 
the other apologists referred. 

From the union of Greek and Oriental ideas with Chris- 
tianity sprang Gnosticism, a mystical theory of life founded 
on dualism, which had one foot planted in the paganism 
of Plato, and the other in the revelation of the Christian 
doctrine. Gnosticism was really developed in the time 
of Trajan and Hadrian, to which epoch the schools of 
Satuminus in Antioch, of Basilides, Valentinus, and 
Harpocrates in Alexandria belong. 



Art among the Romans. Hadrian's Relation to Art. 

'Activity of Art in the Empire. Gre^ek Artists 

in Rome. Character of the Art of Hadrian's Age 

The age of Hadrian has left a deeper impression in the 
world by its marvellous fertility in the productions of art 
than by anything else. Authors and inscriptions, ruin^ and 
numerous beautiful works in the museums of Europe bear 
witness to this fact. The joyous, if no longer creative, art of 
the time appears like a last renaissance of antiquity, and 
offers throughout a parallel to the new birth of Greek litera- 
ture. It was cosmopolitan, for since the time of Alexander 
the Great, Greek art had not possessed a home. Its works 
were the property of the world. Its schools, indeed, were 
still carried on in the Greek cities under Roman rule, but 
Rome itself had become the nucleus of artistic activity. The 
empire, the inheritor of the ancient world of art, was lord of 
its treasures, and bestowed copies of them upon every nation. 
The art as well as the literature of Greece was a necessity 
for the luxurious in the Roman empire. The emperors spoke 
and wrote in Greek, and endeavoured to become connoisseurs 
of the beautiful. In the first century, indeed, of the empire 
the feeling of Rome for art was still so barbarous, that the 
beautiful works of Greek sculpture and painting were carried 
off to Rome in large quantities. Caligula and Nero went on 
with the plundering which Marcellus had begun in Sicily, 
and Fabius Maximus in Tarentum, and which afterwards, 
Flaminius, Fulvius Nobilior, Metellus, and Cornelius Scipio, 
Paulus Aemilius and Mummius carried on all over the lands 

BK. II. CH. XIX] Art in the Roman Empire 333 

of Hellas. This was changed under the Flavian emperors»^^ 
and from their time to the days of Constantine, Greece was. 
robbed of no work of art.* 

The Caesars had shown the splendour of the empire in 
Rome itself by the magnificence of its buildings and art 
treasures. The city had reached the height of its beauty in 
the Forum of Trajan, and this great emperor had given a 
fresh impetus to all the arts. He may be compared with 
Pope Julius H. in giving great encouragement to works of 
art, but he was devoid of any great feeling for art itself. To 
him she was the handmaid of the empire, which was glorified 
by her greatness and by his triumphs ; his most magnificent 
building served to enclose his own tomb. Hadrian's attitude 
towards art was that of Leo de Medici in the time of the 
Renaissance. From an intellectual superiority he loved art 
passionately, looking upon it as the essence of Hellenic and 
Roman culture. His inclination for art is more strongly 
expressed than his pleasure in literature, and it was more 
easily gratified by the resources of the empire. An artist 
himself, revelling in all intellectual tastes, he sought his 
highest enjoyment as a ruler, in buildings and in art In 
Antinous, Hadrian deified beauty, giving him as the type of 
his ideal to the artists of his time. He only ventured to 
deify Antinous because he was beautiful, and the artists 
were among the foremost of his contemporaries who made 
converts for the new god. 

The Renaissance of the antique is one of the most marked 
features in Hadrian's mind, and his chief attraction lay 
therefore in Athens. When he completed the Olympian 
temple there, and again made the city of Pericles the chief 
city of Greece, it seemed as if he hoped to awaken the 
genius of Greece on the banks of the Ilissus. And here 
he deceived himself The difference between his age and 
that of the later Italian Renaissance is the difference between 
youth and age. The Italian Renaissance was preceded by a 

*The only emperors who plundered Hellas were Caligula and Nero, 
Leake, Tof^fgr. Athens^ Introd., p. xlv. On these plunderings see Petersen, 
General fntre/i. to the Study of ArchaeeL 1829; Sickler, Gesch, der 
We/^nhme vorziifrl. Kunstwerke^ 1803 ; Voclkel, Ueber die Wegjuhrung 
dtr Kunstwerke^ 1798. 

334 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

long barbaric age which it eventually conquered. Its art 
steadily improved from Nicola Pisano to Michael Angelo, 
from Cimabue to Rafael, and was displayed later by a 
galaxy of brilliant intellects, whose creative power is one of 
the most astonishing phenomena in the history of civilization. 
Not in sculpture as in antiquity, but in painting, did the 
modern Renaissance find its most fertile domain ; it culmin- 
ated in the celestial and glorified beauty of woman in the 
ideal of the Madonna, while the last pagan Renaissance closed 
with the repetition of the ancient ideal of manly beauty in 
the Dionysus-Antinous. 

Hadrian visited and favoured every city which contained 
schools of Greek art, but he could not call Phidias and 
Polignotus back to life to animate the forms of antiquity 
with new ideals. Though it is a mistake to compare his age 
with the best times of Greece, it is nevertheless true that 
art then flourished for the last time. Its reign was short, 
for under Hadrian's successors the philosophy of the Stoics 
became predominant, and to them beauty was a matter of 
indifference. Winckelmann was of opinion that Hadrian 
could no longer befriend art, as the spirit of liberty had dis- 
appeared from the world, and the fountain of glorious and 
sublime thoughts was dried up.^ This cosmopolitan age could 
only become illustrious by making every classic idea serve 
an intellectual purpose. It imagined that it was being 
illuminated by the sun of Greece, but this borrowed light 
was merely an after-glow. To undervalue it on this account 
would be a mistake, as our own art of sculpture to-day 
resembles that of Hadrian, and can scarcely be more simple 
in the conception of its highest ideals. If Hadrian failed 
in his attempts to revive the arts, the fault lay in the times, 
not in himself. In this he was like the emperor Julian, 
who attempted the restoration of the ancient religion ; but 
Hadrian was more fortunate. It may be said that he retarded 
the decay of art by at least half a century, and that as an 
enthusiast for art he rendered this service to the ancient 
world. The emperor Julian did not acknowledge his services 
to antiquity when he drew his portrait in the Caesars, 

In the time of Hadrian the fancy of the artist had long 

* Gischickte der Kunst^ xii. 309, c. i, § 22. 

CHAP, xix] Art under Hadrian 335 

exhausted the supply of beautiful forms, but the antique still 
remained, and religion still connected man and his ideal 
wants with the whole range of ancient sculpture. Artists 
who in the second century created an Apollo and a Zeus, a 
Diana and a Venus, might still believe in the power of these 
deities, and thus approach more nearly to the mythological 
truth of Nature than the artist of Christian times, who gives 
to his academical composition the name of any ancient 
divinity indifferently. Their greatest misfortune was that 
they were condemned to imitation, as the value of their 
creations was measured by the still numerous masterpieces 
of the golden age of Greece. Their own age seems to 
have paid little attention to them. We know the names of 
many even mediocre learned men, poets, and sophists of the 
age of Hadrian, but only a few names of artists survive. 
Pliny complained of the decay of the arts in his time,* and 
Pausanias never mentions the masters of his age. In his 
work The Dream^ in which the arts of the sculptor and the 
sophist struggle to possess him, Lucian tells us that the 
artists enjoyed no respect.* They were no longer original, 
their art consisted merely in reproduction. 

The Museums of Rome, and perhaps the Torlonia Museum 
in particular, give a clear idea of the wholesale imitation 
of the antique, and their rich contents form an epitome 
of the group of Roman designs which were devoted to the 
sculptural decoration of villas. On the whole, however, the 
art of Hadrian's age bears the stamp of the consciousness of 
supremacy of the Roman empire, while its all-embracing 
activity dazzles our imagination, merely as the expression of 
its ordinary demand for beauty. Our capitals, which equal 
or exceed the population of imperial Rome, are not as much 
adorned with public works of art, as any thriving muni- 
cipality in the time of Hadrian. The pride of our galleries 
are the fragments from antiquity, especially from the imperial 
period ; art and the love of art having so completely dis- 
appeared from the minds of the people generally, that it is 
only by the few, who are both highly cultivated and rich, 
that they are indulged in, to an extent which would 

^ Pliny, H,N, xxxv. 2, 2. Painting an expiring art, xxxv. ii. 
' Enhypnion^ c 9. 

336 The fimperor Hadrian [book n 

have excited the smile of a Hadrian or a Herodes 

The motives for spirited inventions were certainly wanting 
in that ageing world ; it was over-ripe, but still keen for 
enjoyment, and a genuine desire for luxury and beauty took 
the place of originality and skill. Never was this more 
universal. We are surprised at the artistic decoration of 
Pompeii, which was only a small country town ; wc must 
imagine the work of painter and sculptor there, carried out 
through the empire, in order to conceive the aspect of its 
cities in the times of Hadrian and the Antonines. This 
wealth of beautiful works presupposes a prosperity that is 
hardly credible, and legions of artists in large and small 

On the whole, the best artists under the empire were 
Greeks. After the fall of Greece, sculptors and painters, who 
were often slaves and freedmen, found their way to Rome 
and to the West. They inspired their barbaric conqueror 
with the taste for beautiful things, and worked for him. From 
the booty taken from Macedonia, Quintus Metellus erected 
temples to Jupiter and Juno, wherein he placed the works 
of Praxiteles, Polycletes, Dionysius and Philiscus which he 
had carried off. At the same time these temples were richly 
ornamented by the Greeks Sauras and Batrachus, while 
Pasiteles carved the statue of Jupiter in ivory. This master 
founded a Greek school of art in Rome in the time of 
Pompey ; he was the master of Stephanus, the sculptor of 
the statue of the Ephebus in the Villa Albani. Stephanus 
also carved the Menelaus, and the beautiful group of the 
Electra and Orestes in the Villa Ludovisi are supposed to 
be original.^ Zenodorus, the sculptor of the colossus of 
Nero, was no less famous in his time. The migration of the 
masters of Greek art to Rome must have lasted a long 
time, for before Constantine and his successors had gathered 
together the art treasures of the expiring Greek world on 
the Bosporus, Rome was the universal museum of art. These 
artists could never have wearied of contemplating the creations 
of Greece, of which more were to be found in Rome than in 

* Friedrichs, Bausfeitie, n. 715. 

CHAP. MX] Greek Artists 337 

Athens.^ The widest field lay open for their activity, a field 
which has never been offered to the arts before or since. 
The projects of the emperors were worthy of their position 
as rulers of the world, and the claims of luxury were in- 
satiable. Architects, sculptors and painters, lived in a golden 
age ; they had plenty to do in the realm of art, from the 
magnificent building of a temple down to a pleasant country 
house, and from the ideal figure of a god to the furniture 
of a dwelling. Greeks had been employed in the service of 
the magnificent Trajan, and the best among them became 
the teachers of the dilettante Hadrian. How many artists 
must have found their way from Greece to Rome in his 
reign ! * A few names of Greek masters of his time have been 
preserved ; Aristeas and Papias from Aphrodisias designed 
the two centaurs on the Capitol, and Zeno, from the same 
city in Caria, was probably their contemporary. He inscribed 
his name on a Hermes in the liraccio Nuovo, and on the 
so-called senator in the Villa Ludovisi.' It is strange that 
the fifjure of Antinous cannot be ascribed to any one of 
these masters. 

The artists did not furnish merely the capital of the empire 
with beautiful works, but they adorned the provinces as well, 
particularly in the West. Rome may be considered the great 
market where statues of the gods, portraits of distinguished 
men, and objects of the greatest luxury were produced as in 
a manufactory. Material was brought in ships from the 
distant marble quarries of the empire to Ostia, and was then 
conveyed to Rome. The remains of these imperial marble 

* On the material for the study of art in Rome : O. Jahn, Aus der 
A Iter t hums Wissemch.y die alte Kunst und die Mode^ p. 239. 

^ Studios of artists in imperial times have been found, especially on the 
Campus Martius and about Navona. Pellegrini, Bull d /lu/., 1859, 
p. 69; Bruzza, Inscr. dei mnrmi greizi Annali d Inst.^ 1870, p. 137; 
Benndorf and Schoene, Lnteran, MHseum^ p. 350. 

'Ovcrl>cck, Cesch. d. f^ech, Plastik^ ii'., 398, 454; Brunn, Gesch. 
der Kiinstlery i. 573 ; G. Hirschfeld, Tituli statuarior, scuiptorumq,^ 
Berlin, 1871, ascribes n. 172, two statues in the Villa Albani with the 
name of Philumenos to Hadrian's time. The names of other Greek 
artists are Erato, Menophantus, a Phidias and Ammonius, of the year 
159 A.i>., n. 169, 170, 171. 


338 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. xix 

store-houses give an idea of the extent of the trade and art 
of sculpture in Rome. 

On the whole, the period of art in Hadrian's time shows, 
with increased production, a refinement of technique and a 
brilliancy of invention, which are its characteristics. The school 
became academical and conventional ; it attained the greatest 
elegance, but the sparkle of genius was lost in a cold polish. 
At the same time the barrier of national and provincial dis- 
tinctions was broken down ; for the same style was represented 
in the most diverse circles of culture by a systematic uni- 
formity, so that a work of art found in Britain looks like one 
of the same period found in Rome or in Ephesus.^ Taste in 
Rome set the fashion for the provinces. People in Germany 
and in Gaul were anxious to possess works which were 
admired in the capital. Fresco painting as a decoration for 
the interior of houses also came into vogue throughout the 

^ Gerhard, Roftts antike Bildwerke; Rom, Stadibeschr, i. 280; Fried- 
laender, iii. 249. 
'Helbig, UnUrsuch, Uber die campan, Wandtnalerei^ p. 137. 


Tfu Progress and Production of Art Furniture. 
Gems. Medals. Precious Stones. Paintings. 
Portraits in Marble. Historical Relievo 

The magnificence of the imperial designs was natural in an 
age when the love of the beautiful was universal. Hadrian 
spent fabulous sums on his undertakings, and his example 
was followed, from motives of patriotism, by many cities 
and citizens. The emperor like Leo X. in another age, 
was eventually blamed for his building craze. Marcus 
Aurelius praised his father by adoption, Antoninus, for hav- 
ing been free from the mania.^ But the art of building drew 
in its train all the other fine arts, for the temple of archi- 
tecture enclosed them all. 

In those days secular architecture predominated over 
sacred architecture. To the gods indeed, especially to those 
who had come into fashion from Asia, new temples were 
later still erected. Even in the third century Aurelian 
reared magnificent temples to the sun-god, and Constantine 
also built temples for the gods ; but, generally speaking, 
the want was already supplied in Hadrian's time, for the 
great shrines of Greek and Roman worship were numerous 
and perfect, and, like our cathedrals of to-day, they could 
not be equalled. The restoration of ancient temples was 
more frequent than the building of new temples. On the 
other hand, emperors and nobles erected innumerable palaces 
and villas, and cities built their theatres and baths, their 
gymnasia and libraries. All these places became museums 

'/if se ifsum^ i. 13. 

340 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

of art. The galleries of Europe have been provided with 
sculpture from one single villa of Hadrian's. 

All branches of art and industry which contributed ta 
the luxury of the age flourished greatly. The furniture 
of that time still bears the stamp of classic beauty. The 
massive marble candelabra in the Vatican, the most beautiful 
of the kind in antiquity, the large and richly adorned 
vases and cups of marble, like the vase of rosso antica 
with swans at the four corners, and the Egyptian vase of 
black granite in the Capitol, all came from Hadrian's villa. 
Amid the ruins of the temple of Venus and Rome were 
found the colossal faces of Medusa in the Braccio Nuovo,. 
which show on what a grand scale the ancients represented 
the gloomy daemoniacal powers. 

The coins and medals of Hadrian's time (the large im- 
perial bronze medallions begin, according to Winckelmann,. 
with this emperor) are of exquisite taste, and are distinguished 
— especially the Egyptian medals — by a surprising wealth 
of imagination in their use of symbols. The medals are 
small works of art which delight the eye and enchant the 
imagination.^ Their subjects are, it is true, either derived 
from ancient ideas, or are actually copied from Greek 
patterns, like the splendid medallion which represents the 
winged Victory dashing through the air in a chariot drawn 
by two horses.* Other beautiful specimens of Hadrian's time 
show the figures of deities in the Greek style : Jupiter en- 
throned, with Victory on his right hand, Diana Lucifera, 
Apollo playing on his lyre before the Muses, Asclepius, Vesta, 
Hermes with the ram, Cybele in a chariot drawn by four 
lions. Many are completely Roman, like the medallions 
which represent Hadrian, standing erect between five military 
banners, which he seems to salute with his hand. Others 
display the Roman she-wolf or Moneta Augusti, the figure 
of a beautiful woman with scales and a cornucopia, or of 
Felix Roma who is seated upon a pile of wea]X)ns near a 

*W. Froehner (Les McUiaillons de P Empire Romain) has collected 
the best of Hadrian's coins in the section "Hadrian." He calls the 
medals of the age of the Antonines, an anthology after the great poets. 

^ Froehner (p. 34) quite arbitrarily refers this precious medallion to the 
Jewish war. 

CHAP. XX] Precious Stones 341 

trophy, while in the background a winged Victory raises a 
shield.* Another medal represents the senate and the people 
in the guise of an old man with a sceptre and a genius, 
while between them stands a burning altar.' 

Connoisseurs maintain that the stones cut in the time of 


Augustus, the work of Dioscorides, are more beautiful than 
those of Hadrian's time, as the art of carving gems began 
to decay after the time of Claudius.' But the wonderful 
gem of Claudius and of his family hardly shows any fall- 
ing off.* Hadrian himself eagerly collected carved stones 
and precious cups. The imperial treasury grew so rich in 
this respect that Marcus Aurelius defrayed the cost of the 
war against the Marcomanni out of it, after the public sale 
of these collections had lasted for two months on the 
Forum of Trajan.* Beautiful cameos with the bust of 
Hadrian and of Antinous have been preserved.* The 
emerald, on which the heads of Hadrian and Sabina are 
cut, is considered especially fine. The mine where this 
stone was mainly found was at Djebel Zaborah in Egypt.^ 
The mines of this country and of Numidia furnished the 
coloured marble and rare stones with which the houses of 
the rich were adorned. Greece had never known such luxury 
in marble. We search vainly to-day in Athens for traces 
of it, while in Rome an inexhaustible supply of coloured 
marbles from imperial times supports a flourishing trade. 
The excessive use of marble certainly shows the degeneracy 
of taste, but the fashion began before Hadrian's time, though 
the luxury in coloured marbles may then have been at its 

I This medallion, too— hadrianus AUG . COS . in . p . p— fbux roma . 
<Cohcn, ii., p. 167, n. 714) — is referred by Froehncr to the same victory 
over the Jews. 

'IMP.CARSAR TRAIANUS hadrianus AUG.— sbnatus populusqub 
ROMANUS voTA SUSCKPTA.— Cohen, ii., p. 222, n. 1406. 

* King, Antique Gems and l^ings^ i. 19a 

* Eckhel, Pierres gravies, pi. 7. 
'^Julius Capitolinus, Af, AureLy c 17. 

' Eckhel, Pierres gravies^ pi. 8, in sardonyx, though, I thinks the 
likeness of the portrait doubtful ; pi. 8, Antinous in sardonyx, with a 
mask of Silenus on his head. Mariette, TraiU des pierres grav,^ pi. 64, 
Hadrian on a white agate, Sabina on a cornelian. 

^ Frtedlaender, iii. 72 ; according to King, p. 397, 8. 

342 The Emperor Hadrian [book h 

height.^ For most of the pieces of sculpture of rare or 
colossal stone come from the buildings of Hadrian.' Por- 
phyry was then used in architecture, but it was not employed 
for sculpture, although statues of this material had already 
been brought by Vitrasius Pollio to the emperor Claudius 
from Egypt. Pliny who tells us this, says they found 
neither approval nor imitators, and porphyry was not used 
for statues until after the decay of art in the third century.* 
But they were carved out of rosso anticc^ With small 
regard for taste, busts were carved even from alabaster, 
like those of Hadrian and Sabina in the Capitol. A bust 
of the emperor is in existence, of which the face is carved in 
alabaster, but it may be of later date. Large engraved scarabei 
in coloured marble are to be found, which prove the revival of 
this Egyptian art in Hadrian's time. It is quite probable 
that the fancy for valuable marbles actually helped to 
destroy the taste for bronze statues. While Pompeii and 
Herculaneum have furnished rich treasures in bronze, nothing 
remarkable of this kind has been found in Hadrian's villa.^ 
The museums of Rome, which contain the fragmentary re- 
mains of works of art from the time of the empire, are 
generally poor in fine bronze. 

The art of the painter, like the decorative art of the 
worker in marble, was very active throughout the empire. 
Hadrian doubtless adorned his villa at Tibur with many 
mural paintings, representing the scenery of the cities and 
countries which he had admired on his travels ; and the 
landscape of the Nile, which was particularly dear to the 
Romans, would not be wanting. As the emperor had also 
the vale of Tempe symbolically depicted in his villa, it seems 
that he had a strong appreciation of beautiful scenery. But 
no investigation has brought to light remains of important 
paintings from the villa at Tibur ; only a few fine mosaics 
have been preserved. In the Vatican is the large portrait- 

' Friedlaender, iii. 66, is of this opinion. 
' Gerhard, Roms ant. Bildwerke; Rom. Stadibeschr,^ i. 297. 
' Pliny, H. N.^ 36, 1 1, 3 ; Letronne, hiscr. de tEgypte^ i. 142. 
^ According to Friedrichs, Bansteine^ n. 760, no statue of this material 
can be proved to have been made before the time of Hadrian. 
* Gerhard, Roms ant. Bildwerke^ p. 297. 

CHAP. XX] Portraiture in Marble 343 

mosaic of Dionysus and Apollo, with many rural scenes ; 
and in the Capitol is the famous mosaic of the doves, the 
Roman copy of a work of Sosus of Pergamum. 

We can form no correct opinion whether during the 
imperial times the decorative art of the sculptor and the 
painter merely repeated ancient designs, or produced original 
work as well. There was only one domain in art in which 
the Romans were independent of the Greeks, and that was 
in portraiture and in historical scenes in relievo. The fashion 
of portraits among the Romans had its origin in their family 
affection and love of history, and in no other nation of the 
world has the art of portraiture played so great a part. Under 
the empire, the busts too of famous Greeks were made in 
quantities for the adornment of palaces and gardens. 

The portraiture of the Romans was maintained at this 
high level until the time of the Severi. The bust of Com- 
modus Hercules which was discovered a few years ago, and 
which is now in the new Museum of the Capitol, illustrates 
the same technical school of Hadrian's time. Portraits and 
busts of this emperor and his wife are numerous in all the 
museums of Europe, for there has scarcely been another 
prince in honour of whom cities, corporations and private 
individuals erected so many statues. The most famous busts 
of him are in the Capitol, in the Vatican, in Naples, and 
in the Louvre. The most faithful likeness appears to be the 
excellent bust of Hadrian on the staircase of the palace of 
the conservators ; but the marble is unfortunately disfigured 
by a blemish on the chin. Of the numerous statues of the 
emperor at Athens, none worthy of note are in existence.* 

Like other emperors, Hadrian was represented in the form 
of a deity. In a statue on the Capitol, he is represented as 
Mars offering sacrifice.* 

The imperial statue acknowledged to be that of Hadrian, 

' In the collection at Athens there are few busts of Hadrian to be 
found ; a doubtful bust in the National Museum from the theatre of 
Dionysus, and an authentic bust ; in Varvacion a doubtful head of the 
youthful Hadrian, which was found at the same time as the colossal head 
of Lucius Verus in the theatre of Dionysus. Milchhoefer, Die Miiseen 
Aihetis^ 1881. 

'See Cohen, ii., p. 185, n. 951, the medal marti. 

344 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

in the Museum of the old Seraglio at Constantinople, is 
worthy of notice ; the emperor is clad in a coat of mail, 
and is in such a warlike attitude, that his foot is set upon a 
prostrate prisoner.^ 

Altogether, the production of portraits at this time was 
astonishingly great. A mass of inscriptions, too numerous to 
peruse, but which are valuable as historical records, belong 
to the pedestals of these honorary statues. The emperor 
himself erected many statues for his favourites. He almost 
covered the world with images of Antinous and of Aelius 
Verus ; but to many other persons less dear to him, dead 
as well as living, he dedicated statues.* He even erected 
an equestrian figure in the temple of Bellona to the barbarian 
king Pharasmanes. Dion observes that he honoured Turbo 
and Similis with public statues.* Unfortunately these and 
the likenesses of other friends and statesmen of Hadrian are 
lost, or can no longer be distinguished, as they are without 
a name. Whose is that intellectual head in the Braccio 
Nuovo, not far from the statue of Demosthenes, which 
arrests our attention? A young Roman of fashion, with well 
trimmed beard and locks flowing over his brow ; this head 
is an example of the distinguished world of Hadrian's time, 
and of the brilliant treatment of a portrait. 

The historical relievo of the Romans has also its own 
peculiar characteristics. It suited the Latin taste for 
individuality. Great national events, wars and battles, 
expeditions and triumphs, could in this way be historically 
portrayed. The Romans, indeed, had no Phidias, who 
might have adorned the frieze of a temple for them with 
the ideal figures of a state festival ; but this art of relievo 
was applied to the triumphal arches and to the honorary 
statues, which are peculiar to their historic worship. The 
remains of this art in Rome are unfortunately very frag- 
mentary, and only illustrate the short period of fifty years 
of its prime.* As Domitian's numerous triumphal arches 

' Sorlin-Dorigny, Hadrieftf Statue trouv^e en CrUe^ Gazette ArchM,^ 
1880, vi., 52, pi. 6. 

• Dion, Ixix. 7 : S$€v kqX tUhvat roXXocf — H r^v dyopduf i^rti^tp. 
' Dion, Uix. 18. 

* Ad. Philippi, Ueber die rom, THum/al. Reliefe {Abhamlt, der phil. 

CHAP. XX] Historical Relievo 345 

have perished, we only possess fragments of the ancient 
sculptures from the arch of Claudius in the Villa Borghese, 
the ideal reliefs on the arch of Titus, the realistic reliefs 
on the triumphal arch and on the column of Trajan, 
where Roman art probably reached its zenith in the 
portrayal of historical events by groups of figures. Then 
we have remains, which are of much less artistic value, of 
sculptures on the arch of Marcus Aurelius and in the bas- 
reliefs of his column ; and, finally, the figures on the arches of 
Severus and Constantine, which clearly indicate the decay of art. 
Hadrian was no warrior prince ; he had no victories to 
commemorate. If he was represented as Mars this flattery 
was only meant to show the attention he paid to the army. 
We know of only one equestrian statue of Hadrian, and this 
stood before the temple of Zeus in the Roman colony of 
Jerusalem. Perhaps, too, Hadrian was represented on horse- 
back on the triumphal arch at Antinoe. He did not offer 
himself as an historical subject to the plastic art. But 
probably the two coffers of marble decorated with bas-reliefs, 
which were excavated from the Forum at Rome in the year 
1872, refer to him. They display inside the colossal figures 
of the three sacrificial animals {Suavetaurilia\ and outside, 
solemn acts of state ; here the burning of the bonds, there a 
scene before the emperor, which seems to refer to the institu- 
tion for poor children. The style resembles that of the time 
of Trajan or Hadrian. Nothing prevents our seeing in the 
first scene a monument to the great remission of debt, while 
the other may easily represent the extension of Trajan's 
Alimcnia Italiae by his successor. This charitable establish- 
ment was often symbolized on medals and in marble, as on 
Trajan's triumphal arches in Rome and in Beneventum, and 
on a bas-relief in the Villa Albani which refers to the bene- 
factions of Antoninus to poor girls {Puellae Faustiniamu)} 

hist, Ciasse der kon sdchs. Ges. dir Wissensch, Bd. vi. iii. 1872). Accord- 
ing to him the flourishing state of this art lasted from Titus to Trajan, 
from 81 A.D. to 117 A.D. 

* flenzen, Bull, d, Inst 1872, p. 373 sq,^ was the first to explain these 
reliefs from the Forum, and to ascribe them to Trajan. See the literature 
upon it in Orazio Marucchi, DescriMione del Foro Rom, 1883, p. 87. 
Henzen is now (April, 1883) inclined to ascribe the reliefs to Hadrian. 


Ideal Sculpture. Its Cosmopolitan Character. Imita- 
tion of Ancient Masterpieces. Review of the 
Works of Art found in Hadrian* s Villa. The 
S tatties of Antinous 

In the domain of ideal sculpture the art of this age 
displays a thoroughly cosmopolitan character. It repro- 
duces with equal taste the types of the epochs of Greece 
as well as of Egypt. It portrays all the ancient treasure 
of fables, together with the grecianized legends of Syria 
and the mysterious secrets of the Nile. And if these 
symbols are localized in Athens and Smyrna, in Ephesus, 
Alexandria and Carthage, in Rome they are cosmopolitan* 
There is a world-sculpture as there is a world-literature. 
The man of this period stands on a pinnacle of culture 
from which he surveys the creations of past ages. The 
mixture of divinities involves also a mixture of styles, but 
when the gods descended from their temple-niches ta 
adorn palaces, their strange forms were conventionally 
polished and their barbaric names translated into Latin. 

We can at once recognize the images of Egyptian gods 
of Hadrian's time in the Vatican museum by the smooth- 
ness of their modernized forms, which no longer agree 
with their ancient worship. It was then the custom to 
look upon many of the gods with antiquarian interest, just 
as we gaze to-day at the carvings of the people of Thibet 
and Mexico. There were amateurs who looked at a Pallas 
from an archaic temple, an Ephesian Diana, or a Vesta 
such as is in the possession of the Torlonia Museum, with 

nK. II. cH. XXI] Ideal Sculpture 347 


more pleasure than at the ideal forms of the Juno of 
Polycletus and the Athene of Phidias. Authorities on the 
art of the period have advanced the theory that the 
favourite subjects at the time were representations from 
the group of myths connected with Bacchus; and they have 
based their theory on the numerous reliefs of Dionysian 
dances, and of Cupids on sarcophagi and vases, and on 
many works of Hadrian's time, like the Fauns in the 
Vatican, the Satyr with the vine in the Capitol, and the 
two Centaurs of black marble. But this may be entirely 
accidental, while the Dionysus figure of Antinous gives the 
exact idea of the youth himself. The works which come 
from the villa at Tibur are copies of an ancient style. The 
celebrated Barberini Faun in Munich belonged to the 
mausoleum of Hadrian. It is no matter of surprise that 
more works of sculpture were excavated from this one 
villa of the emperor than from Pompeii,^ but it is amazing 
that even his tomb should have been as richly furnished. 
So late as the time of Belisarius, the Greeks who were 
besieged there, protected themselves against the assault 
of the Goths with fragments of marble statues. From 
the nn'ns of the tomb the colossal bust of Hadrian in the 
Sala Rotonda of the Vatican was brought to light* The 
fan of white and black granite in the cabinet of the Lao- 
coon comes also from the mausoleum. The temple of 
Venus and Rome was certainly another museum of works 
of art, from which came the famous mask of Medusa. 

No cmixiror had more favourable opportunities than 
Hadrian for procuring antique works of art from Greek 
cities. We may assume that he bought many on the spot^ 
and that others were given to him as presents, as he took 
nothing by force. Instead of carrying off an obelisk from 
Helio))olis to his villa he had one set up there which had 
been sculptured in Rome. Instead of surrounding himself 
with stolen masterpieces he was satisfied with copies of 

* R. Focrslcr, Die bildende Knnst unUr Hadrian {Die GrensMen), 
1875, i. 105. 

'See on the Barberini Faun, Luetzow, Afiifuhener Antiken^ p. 51. 
Friedrichs (Bausteine^ n. 656) believes it to be a Greek orii^nal. 

348 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

The number of ancient and modem works of art which 
Hadrian placed in the rooms of his villa must have been 
so great that it probably did not fall short of the contents 
of the Vatican Museum. If we could see this artistic Pan- 
theon as it stood, we should obtain a clear conception, not 
only of the range of contemporary art, but of the society 
of amateurs of whom the emperor himself was the most 
brilliant representative. And the mere collection of works 
found in this villa is sufficient to prove that Hadrian had 
there formed a museum of works of art of every age and 
style. A hundred styles and forms are visible there from 
the vase of marble adorned with bas-reliefs, and the great 
candelabras, to the torso of the weeping Niobe (in the 
Vatican), a copy of the Iris of Phidias from the Parthenon, 
and the statues of the gods Zeus and Hera, of Apollo and 
of Aphrodite. There are statues of the muses, busts and 
statues of poets and philosophers, the graceful heads of 
Tragedy and Comedy, the head of Aristophanes, the bas-relief 
of the forsaken Ariadne, Harpocrates and a row of Egyptian 
deities. Antinous, too, is to be found there with vestals, 
fauns, satyrs, centaurs, the Attic fragment of the birth of 
Erichthonius, the Artemis of Ephesus, the so-called Flora 
(in the Capitol), Nemesis, Psyche, the Amazons, the Jason 
or Hermes (in Munich), Meleager, Adonis and the sleep- 
ing Edymion (in Stockholm), the Discobolos of Myron (in 
the Vatican), the Antinous (in the Capitpl), Ajax with the 
body of Achilles (the fragments in the Vatican), and many 

If the locality where some antiquities have been dis- 
covered makes it at least probable that they belong to the 
time of Hadrian, there are many others which may be of 
the same period, though it cannot be proved. We may 
ascribe the famous statue of the Nile in the Vatican to 
this epoch. In the Torlonia Museum a figure of the Nile 
in black marble, with cornucopia, palm branch, and sphinx, 
recalls the type of Hadrian's Egyptian coins. Works like 
the bas-relief of Daedalus and Icarus in rosso antico in 
the Villa Albani, the bas-relief of Medea in the Torlonia 
Museum, the Amazons by Polycletus in the Capitol and 
the Vatican, the Cupids with their bows drawn, the 

CHAP. XXI] The Statues of Antinous 349 

discus throwers, the figures of Mars, the copies of Apollo 
Sauroctonos, the figures of Venus by Praxiteles, the sleeping 
satyrs, many Niobe groups by Scopas, — might as easily come 
from the time of Hadrian as from the earlier days from 
which the copies of the Laocoon and the Apollo Belvedere 
were derived. We certainly find it difficult to distinguish 
between the art of the time of the Roman emperors and 
the art of Alexandrian times, and we cannot even fix the 
age in which to place the Laocoon.^ 

As the art of the two first centuries of the empire bears 
no traces of originality, but is merely the repetition of ancient 
ideals, it portrays no distinct characteristics of the age. It 
only displays the highly accomplished technique of a school 
inspired by the most cultivated taste. Form had attained such 
elegance that thought was lost in insipidity, as we may see 
in the theatrical heads of women in the Sala Rotonda, in the 
Centaiirs, and in the bas-reliefs of Antinous. The academic 
smoothness of form almost reminds us of Canova and Thor- 
waldsen ; but if these masters of the latest renaissance 
succeeded, by returning to antique models, in freeing sculp- 
ture from quaint disfigurements, no such thing was possible 
in the time of Hadrian. For this period was rather the 
final development of the antique itself ; its close was neces- 
sarily marked by the transition from the real to the apparent. 
It was the same with Greek sophistry, which would have 
ended in empty bombast if, like the schools of sophists in 
Smyrna, Athens and Constantinople, it had survived the 
triumph of Christianity and had lasted through the rise of 
the barbarians until the sixth century. 

The art of Hadrian*s time sought to reach its highest 
ideal in the type of Antinous. The insane desire of the 
emj)eror to create a new divinity was rendered possible only 
by the rare beauty of his favourite. All who took part in 
this comedy no doubt laughed at it : the Greeks at the 
freak of the emperor, and the emperor himself at the world 
of flatterers ; but Hadrian looked with more satisfaction at 
the influence which the form of his deified favourite began 
to exercise upon .irt, than at the increase of superstition, 
which was promoted by the worship of Antinous. The images 

' Friedrichs, Bausteine^ p. 426. 

350 The Emperor Hadrian [bookh 

and statues which he carved himself cannot sustain the 
criticism of artists, but his Bithynian god was recognized 
by them as an ideal form. The figure of Antinous may, 
indeed, be looked upon as Hadrian's own production in 
art, for he doubtless gave the direction for it to the sculptor. 
He appears in numberless statues, bas-reliefs and gems, as 
a genius and hero, or as a particular divinity.^ 

Although the representations of Antinous are all ideal, 
there is an historical portrait for their foundation. He has 
a personality. In every case we see a face bowed down, 
full of melancholy beauty, with deep-set eyes, slightly 
arched eyebrows, and with abundant curls falling over the 
forehead. The thick lips, the broad chest, and the effemin- 
ate figure suggest sensuality ; but this is redeemed by traits 
of melancholy. It is the beautiful expression of a nature 
which combines the Greek and the Asiatic, only slightly 
idealized. Knowing as we do the fate of Antinous, we 
read it in this sorrowful figure, for the artists knew of the 
<leath of sacrifice to which Antinous dedicated himself. The 
mysterious sadness in the features of Antinous would attract 
the observer, even if he could not give the name to the 
statue. And yet these beautiful features are smooth and 
devoid of expression ; a young man stands before us who has 
•experienced nothing, and who tells us nothing. 

When the statues of Antinous were discovered at Tibur, 
they created the same excitement in the world of art of the 
eighteenth century as the most famous antiques had created 
at the beginning of the sixteenth. Their value was over- 
estimated. Winckelmann praised the Antinous of the Villa 
Casali enthusiastically, and especially the bas-relief of the 
Villa Albani.^ The colossal head of Antinous by Mon- 
dragone, which was found at Frascati, and has been in the 
Louvre since 1 808, was pronounced by him to be the finest 
thing which has come down to us from antiquity after the 
Apollo of the Vatican and the Laocoon. It certainly surpasses 
in beauty the colossal bust which was found at Tibur, and 
which now stands in the Sala Rotonda of the Vatican, and 

^According to Dion Cassius (Ixix. 11), Hadrian dedicated sutues to 
Antinous throughout the world (<Ud/Kd^at), and especially statues to be 
-worshipped (ayiXfiara), 

CHAP. XXI] The Statues of Antinous 351 

the other bust which was taken from Tibur to the Villa 
Albani.^ But the great art critic would have expressed him- 
self still more enthusiastically if he had seen the colossus of 
Antinous, which was found at Palestrina in the year 1 793, and 
which was given by Pius VI. to duke Braschi. A few years 
ago Pius IX. had it removed from the Lateran Museum to the 
Sala Rotonda. It is unquestionably the most brilliant statue 
of the t)ionysus-Antinous. The wreath of ivy is twined 
amid his flowing locks, and on his head he carries a pine- 
apple ; the ample upper garment which was originally orna- 
mented with gold and ivory, is fastened on the left shoulder, 
allowing the right arm, the breast and part of the body to 
be seen. In his left hand the young god holds on high a 
thyrsus. The decorative principle of painting is strongly 
expressed in this Bacchic statue, and admirers of severe 
beauty of form will prefer it to the Antinous Hero in 
the Museum at Naples, and to the more famous statue in 
the Capitol. The latter, a nude youth, his head bowed to 
the right in a dreamy attitude, looks like a Narcissus or a 
Hermes. The statue is one of the most perfect figures of 
the revival of art in Hadrian's time, as the so-called Anti- 
nous in the Belvedere was proved by Winckelmann to be 
a Hermes from the best Greek epoch. 

The celebrated marble group too of Ildefonso, which was 
formerly called Sleep and Death, or Orestes and Py lades, 
has been taken since the time of Visconti to be a representa- 
tion of Antinous and of his sacrificial death. In it we are 
supposed to see the garlanded youth who gives himself to the 
angel of death on behalf of the emperor; the angel kindles the 
flame on the altar, and gently leads the victim to Proserpine.* 

> The opinion of Winckelmann that the relief figure was placed on a 
chariot as a consecration statue is contested by Levezow, Ueber den 
Aniittousy dargestellt in den Kunstdenkmalem des Alierthums^ Berlin, 
f 808. Levezow, however, speaks only of eighteen busts and ten statues. 
Overbeck, ii., p. 444. 

• Huebner, Anfike Bildwerke in Madrid^ p. 73 sq. — Friedrichs,^aMr/^i>i/, 
n. 754. Doubts expressed by Welker, A lie Denkmdler^ i. 375 sq, Fried- 
richs {Bausteine, n. 833) is certainly mistaken in thinking that he recog- 
nizes Antinous in a Trajan relief on the arch of Constantine (Bellori 
according to veteres arcus Aug. triumphales, table 32X in the suite of 
the emperor Trajan. 

352 The Emperor Hadrian [iiook it 

That the statues which have been hitherto called after An- 
tinous are to be reckoned among the best of Hadrian's time 
is certain, as they come chiefly from the imperial palaces. 
But they and other statues or busts only represent a frag- 
ment of the plastic works which glorifled Hadrian's favourite.^ 
Dion expressly says that the emperor dedicated statues and 
images to him all through the inhabited world ; and there are 
many badly executed busts of Antinous, which prove that 
the flgure was used commonly for ordinary decorations. His 
statues in Egypt and in the Greek cities must have been 
numerous. A naked figure of a youth has been found in 
the theatre of Dionysus at Athens, which is taken to be 
Antinous ; it has been placed in the National Museum there 
with another of Egyptian style which was found at Marathon, 
and which probably belonged to a villa of Herodes Atticus.* 
In the year i860 Lenormant found a statue of Antinous 
made from Thasian marble at Eleusis.^ He was honoured 
there as a new Dionysus. It is generally the youthful divini- 
ties of Olympus, Hermes, Apollo and Dionysus, in whose 
image the deifled youth was represented. There is there- 
fore nothing original in the type beyond the outlines 
of his portrait. On this account later criticism passes 
ahnost too contemptuous a sentence on the extravagant 
admiration of Winckelmann, which, however, Levezow did 
not share. Even the celebrated bust by Mondragone is 
condemned by the superior art critic* 

The statue of Antinous, however, is a true ideal of 
youthful beauty, which art created from the life of the 
time. Other works of sculpture which are ascribed to 
Hadrian's epoch can only be looked upon as portraits of 
doubtful accuracy, but the statues of Antinous are the only 
authentic evidence of what the plastic art could do in the 

^ The Torlonia Museura, too, possesses several busts of Antinous in the 
character of Dionysus; one of them, No. 403 in the catalogue, comes from 
the Villa Hadriana. K. O. Miiller, Handbuch der ArchdoL der Kunst^ 
3 ed. § 203, has collected the statues and medals of Antinous. 

* Milchhocfer, Die Museen Athetis^ p. 6, 23. — Rhusopulos in Arch^ 
Ephem.^ Athens, 1863, p. 215. 

^ Lenormant, L Antinous d'Eleusis, Rev, Arch,^ i874» ?• 217 sq, 

* Overbeck, ii. 445. 

CHAP. XXI] The Statues of Antinous 353 

time of Hadrian. If after the discovery of genuine master- 
pieces from the best days of Greek art, such as the sculp- 
tures of the Parthenon and the Hermes of Olympia, the 
work in the statues of Antinous must be reckoned inferior, 
it nevertheless proves that the age in which they were 
created was still in possession not only of a complete 
mastery of technique, but also of a keen appreciation of 
form. Certainly the type of Antinous must be considered 
one of the last products of the art of antiquity, even if it 
is a tame conclusion to the Greek ideal. 


Architecture. Munificent Civic Spirit of the Cities. 
HadriatCs Love of Building. Antinoe. Roads 
to Berenice. Other Buildings in Egypt. The 
Temple at Cyzicus 

Hadrian's greatest passion was building. With the 
Roman empire for his sphere, he probably surpassed every 
other ruler in the number of his buildings. The title of 
" Founder of the World " might have been ascribed to him 
with even more justice than to his predecessor Trajan.^ But 
the passion was not confined to the emperor alone ; provinces 
and cities were infected by the same mania. During this peace- 
ful epoch the taste for the fine arts became highly developed 
in the cities, and the patriotism of the citizens sought to 
augment the fame of the past by fresh monuments. The 
cities of Greek Asia, which were the richest of that time, 
particularly distinguished themselves by their devoted love 
for their country. The same munificent patriotism flourished 
in Italy, Gaul and Spain ; the communities vied with one 
another in the erection of private and public buildings, like 
the Greek republics in their best days, or like the Italian 
cities in the Middle Ages. 

Rich citizens endowed their native cities with fine build- 
ings, or they presented them with the means for that 
purpose. Only after the times of Nerva and Trajan had 
cities acquired the right of accepting legacies through the 
medium of a trustee, and this important right was confirmed 
to them unconditionally by a decree of the Senate in the 

^ Eutropius^ viii. 4, speaks of Trajan as orbem terrarum aedificans. 

BK. II. CH. XXII] Architecture 355 

time of Hadrian.* From this flowed a fresh source of 
revenue, as it became a point of honour to bequeath money 
for patriotic purposes. Inscriptions and other evidence, even 
before the time of Hadrian, give numerous proofs not 
only of the wealth, but of a patriotism that we can scarcely 
imagine in every province of the empire. A consul in 
Trajan's time gave to the city of Tarquinii more than 
three million sesterces for buildings, and his son increased 
this sum. A citizen gave to his native city, Laodicea, 2000 
talents for the same purpose. In Naples two brothers, 
Stertinius, spent their fortune in adorning the city, and in 
Massih'a the physician Crinus built the city walls at his 
own expense. A priestess at Calama in Numidia gave 
400,000 sesterces to build a theatre, and Numidia Quad- 
ratilla built an amphitheatre and a temple at Casinum. 
Private persons built the large colonnades in the wonderful 
city of Palmyra, and Greek sophists in Smyrna, Pergamum, 
Cotyaeum, Antioch, Ephesus, and other cities, built porticos, 
baths and theatres.* One sophist alone, Herodes Atticus, 
could emulate even Hadrian in adorning Athens and many 
other cities with splendid works.' 

Where great undertakings were concerned the provinces 
were obliged to provide the means. In the time of Trajan 
eleven cities of Lusitania bore the cost of the great bridge 
over the Tagus at Alcantara. .The provinces sometimes 
complained of these oppressive taxes for public buildings, 
and they could not be undertaken without the emperor's 
permission.* Hadrian had made Herodes Atticus overseer 
of the cities of Asia, and had allowed him to build an 
aqueduct at Troas at an estimate of three million denarii ; 
the bold sophist spent seven millions upon it, and the 
province complained that its whole power of taxation was 
exhausted.* Hut the liberality of the emperor was always 

' Ulpian, Fratpn. 34, 28. 

' In Ephesus 1 saw traces of the hall discovered by Wood, which 
was built by the sophist Damianus from the ruins of the temple of Diana. 

' For this activity in building by private persons, see Duniy, v. 138 sq, 
Fricdlacndcr, iii., in the section Architecture. 

* Di^. L. 10, 3. 

^ Marquardt, Rom, Staatsverwaltung^ ii. 296. 

35^ The Emperor Hadrian [book u 

ready to help in such cases» and we are toid fay an in- 
scription that Hadrian bore the largest share of Ae cost 
in making the road from Beneventum to Aerlannm ^ He 
gave an aqueduct to Dyrrharhinm, which Alexander Severus 
afterwards restored.* For the gymnasium at Smyrna he 
gave such a large sum that die work was at once accom- 
plished with the help of other contributions^' Companies 
with large capital were formed, whidi offered important 
buildings to rival contractors. 

It was due to Hadrian's influence that all the provinces 
of the empire vied with one another in the erection of 
architectural monuments. If we possessed a complete 
catalogue of the buildings which arose from his private 
liberality the number would appear fabulous to us. For 
in all parts of the world where he travelled he left 
temples, gymnasia, aqueducts and roads as monuments of 
his journeys.^ He was always accompanied by architects 
and engineers and by an army of masons, who were classed 
in military order.* 

In the first place, there were cities which he partially 
or completely rebuilt Many were called after him — Aelta^ 
Aeliopolis, Hadriana, or Hadrianopolis, These were situated 
in Thrace, in Bithynia and Lycia, in Macedonia, in Illyria, 
in Cyrenaica, in Egypt, in Pontus, Syria, Paphlagonia and 
Caria.* Spartianus says that as he did not like to give 
names to his works he called many cities Hadrianopolis^ 
like Carthage and a part of Athens. The names for these 
cities were only transitory, but the name Aelia clung to 
Jerusalem for centuries. 

The motives at times were extraordinary which caused 
Hadrian to build different cities. In Mysia he founded 
Hadrianotherae, in order to commemorate his love of 

^ Of 1,716,000 sesterces the inhabitants of the immediate vicinity 
contributed only 569,000. — Mommsen, LR,N, 628 sq. 

* C.LL, iii. 709, in Duerr, Supply n. 85. 

* Xikiit fwptddat, CLG, 3148. 

* Ejus itinerum monumenta videas per plurimas Asiae atque Europae 
urbes, — Pronto, Princip, Hist.^ p. 244. 

^Aurelius Victor, Epitome 14. 

* Tile-inscriptions indicate an unknown city of Hadrian, Manpsus, 
Ephim, Epifrraph, on C/.Z. iv. 332. 

CHAP. XXII] Antinoe 357 

hunting, in the place where he had killed a boar.* We 
have a coin of Antinous from this city bearing for arms 
a boar's head.* 

In honour of Antinous he built Antinoopolis or Antinoe 
in the Heptanomis, on the site of the small city of the god 
Besa on the eastern bank of the Nile. Ptolemy mentions 
it as the metropolis of a particular Nomus Antinoitis, which 
must have been made by Hadrian. Opposite to it lay 
Hermupolis." Antinoe as an essentially Hellenic city was 
built not in the Egyptian, but in the Greek style.* It 
had the regular form of a long quadrangle through which 
ran the main street At the north end, ruins of the 
mausoleum of Antinous are to be seen, while on the south 
the remains still exist of a magnificent temple with a fine 
Corinthian portico. Colonnades line the streets, of which 
three run across the city. On the harbour by the Nile a 
trium|)hal arch with three gateways was erected on Corin- 
thian pillars, with equestrian statues at each side. The cost 
of the pillars in Antinoopolis must have been astonishing. 
Where the principal streets met, honorary statues were 
erected, one of which was dedicated later to Alexander 
Severus and his mother, according to the inscription on 
the pedestal. Ruins of baths, of a circus and gymnasium 
lie outside the city, which must have presented a bright 
and cheerful appearance. 

Hadrian especially distinguished Antinoe by giving her a 
Greek form of government. In Antinoe alone among the 
Greek cities of Egypt was there a senate. And to create 
a future for her by commercial intercourse he had a road 
made to Berenice, provided with fountains, watch-towers, 
and stations. As the road described by Pliny went from 
Coptus to Berenice, Hadrian's new road seems to have 
been made to the nearest port, probably to Myus Hormus, 

' Spart c. 20. Dion, Ixix. la 

• Eckhel, vi. 530, 

'Ptolemy, 107; Mannert, x. 1. 395. In the city of Abydus there 
was an oracle of Besa; — Ammian. MarcelL xix. 13, p. 539. 

• Lelronnc, Inscr, de VEgypu^ i. 171 ; Hirt, Gisch, d. Baukunsi der 
Alten^ il 383. 

35B The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

and then to have been carried on to Berenice along the 
Red Sea.^ 

Hadrian did much to beautify Alexandria, which was 
already rich in works of art. Alexandrian coins display a 
temple with the figures of Serapis and of the emperor, and 
with the word Adrianon. In Alexandria too, it appears 
there was a Hadrianeum, which was turned later into a 
gymnasium, and then into a Christian church.^ Imperial 
likenesses of Hadrian have been found in the remains of 
temples at Denderah, Esneh, and Medinet Habu, fronn 
which we may conclude that he erected buildings there in 
the usual Egyptian style, as the Ptolemies did before him.* 
At the celebrated porphyry quarries near Jebel Dokhan, and 
amid the ruins of a fortified city and an unfinished temple, 
Greek inscriptions of Hadrian's time have been found.^ 

As the emperor erected his buildings chiefly on his 
journeys, the course of these has only to be followed to 
discover his memorials. With the exception of Rome, he 
seems to have done less for the Western than for the 
Eastern provinces of the empire, the reason for this prob- 
ably being that the East with its splendid and famous cities 
offered him greater inducement to leave monuments of his 
reign behind him. 

He built a great number of temples in Asia, many of 
them for no special purpose ; and on this account they 
were called in later days simply temples of Hadrian.* These 
temples without a divinity may well have been destined by 
the vain emperor for his own worship. 

The temple at Cyzicus, which was so magnificent that 
it was numbered among the seven wonders of the world, 
belonged to this class. Marcus Aurelius probably finished it 
and dedicated it to his predecessor Hadrian, in 167 A.D. 
Its columns, monoliths 12 feet in thickness and 150 feet 

^ At Sheikh Abad, the ancient Antinoe, Mariette discovered an inscrip- 
tion of Hadrian of 25th of February, 137 A.D., which refers to this road. 
E. Miller, Rev, Archiol N, 5., xxi., 1870, 314. 

' Greppo, p. 322 ; according to Epiphanius, Haeres, xix. 2, op. L 728. 

> Champollion, Lcttres icriUs d^Egypte^ p. 92; in Greppo, p. 221. 

^ Letronne, Inscr, (VEgypte^ 1, 418. 

•Spart. c. 13. 

CHAP. XXII] The Temple at Cyzicus 359 

in height, shone from the summit above the Propontis like 
a Pharos. Aristides praised the temple in his inaugural 
address, speaking of it as the most beautiful which had 
ever been seen. Its remains are still in existence.* 

Hadrian enriched many cities in Greece and Asia with 
theatres, baths, gymnasia and aqueducts. He rebuilt Jeru- 
salem, he restored Stratonicea, Nicaea and Nicomedia.* He 
gave a million on one day to the city of Smyrna ; with 
this she built a corn market and a gymnasium, which sur- 
passed all others of Asia in beauty, and erected a temple to 
Hadrian himself on the promontory. In Ephesus he built 
a temple to the genius of Rome which was also his own 
genius, an aqueduct in Alexandria Troas, and a harbour at 

'Aristides, i. 382, does not say by whom it was built Cedrenus, 
p. 437, Malalas, p. 379, and the Chron, paschaU^ 354, ascribe it to Hadrian. 
Mnlalns maintains that he had his statue placed on the roof with an 
inscription, and adds (hr«/> iarlv fwf ri^ vdif. The Hadrianic coins of 
Cyzicus do not bear the design of the temple, but it was found on one of 
Antoninus Pius, Mionnet, ii. 45a On this temple and its ruins, Perrot et 
Guillaume, Le tempU iPAdrien d Cytiqui and Explorat. arch/oi, de 
Calotte, etc See also Marquardt, Cyticus und stin Gelnet., P- I3'* 

' Stratonicea was rebuilt and called Adrianopolis by Hadrian. Stephen 
Byz., on this city. 


Buildings of Hadrian in Athens and in other Cities 
of Greece. Buildings of Her odes Atticus 

For no other country did Hadrian manifest his preference 
with such magnificence as for Greece, and especially for 
Athens. There is no stronger testimony to the universal 
affection in which this city was held, than the list of foreign 
rulers who honoured and adorned her like a divinity with 
great piety, after the loss of her freedom. Antigonus and 
Demetrius, Ptolemy Philadelphus, Attalus and Eumenes of 
Pergamum, Antiochus Epiphanes, Caesar, Augustus and 
Agrippa, even Herod the King of the Jews, all loaded the 
city of Solon and Pericles with benefits, and adorned it 
with magnificent buildings.^ Even in the time of Trajan 
the posterity of Antiochus IV., the last king of Commagene, 
continued the list of the princely patrons of Athens. Their 
family tomb, the so-called monument of Philopappus, still 
stands in partial preservation on the summit of the Museum hill. 
The last splendour of Athens is connected with the 
names of Hadrian and the Antonines. Hadrian erected so 
many buildings in Athens that it almost looked as if he 
would have liked to live there, and he probably would 
have made this city his residence if his duties to Rome 
had permitted. He renovated and embellished the city. 
He built a temple to Zeus Panhellenius and to Hera, and 
then a Pantheon after the pattern of the one in Rome. 
Pausanias admired in this magnificent structure the one 
hundred and twenty pillars of Phrygian marble, of which 
the walls of the halls were also built. Later on he built 
a fine gymnasium, with one hundred columns of Lybian 

' Enumerated in Wachsmuth, Die Stadt Atken^ L 602 sq. 

BK. II. CII.XX11I] Hadrian's Buildings 361 

stone, and a library. From the description of Pausanias this 
library must have been a specially fine architectural work, richly 
adorned with statues and pictures, and having a roof of gold.^ 

An inscription in the Pantheon contained the list of all 
the buildings of Hadrian in the cities of Greece and 
•elsewhere,' and the loss of this inscription is therefore 
greatly to be deplored. A Corinthian stoa of grey marble 
is to be seen now in the neighbourhood of the bazaar, and is 
taken to be the remains of Hadrian's gymnasium. The 
temples we have mentioned probably formed a quarter of 
their own, but their exact position cannot be determined.* 
In the Panhellenion it is most probably Hadrian who is 
represented in the image of Zeus with Sabina as Juno. 

Hadrian could scarcely add anything to the Acropolis, 
whose temples and innumerable sacred gifts covered the 
surface of the rocky plateau ; but it is believed that he 
reconstructed the great staircase of white marble which led 
to the Propylaea.* A rebuilding of the theatre of Dionysus 
is also ascribed to him, partly from the fact that the place 
for the spectators was divided into thirteen parts, correspond- 
ing to the thirteen tribes of Hadrian's time, partly from 
inscriptions, and partly from the circumstance that in the 
theatre a statue of Antinous has been found.^ 

Hadrian's most important building in Athens was the 
temple of the Olympian Zeus. Pisistratus had begun to build 
this famous sanctuary, but after the expulsion of his house 
it remained unfinished, until Antiochus Epiphanes gave a 
commission to the Roman architect Cossutius, to finish the 
temple which had fallen into oblivion. But it still remained 
incomplete. Livy however could say that it was one of 
the temples in the world whose design was worthy of the 

> Aristidcs, i. 18, 9 ; Panath, i. 306 (Dindorf\ calls the library /)c/9M«#r 
TOficiiB, ola o^x MpfoBi 7^ ^w^tpQt ical fjidXa rOm ^KBrpfOm K6a/iat o/miof. Blblio- 
theca miri opens — Euseb. Chron. ed. Sch6ne, ii. 167. 

* Pausanias, i. 55. 

* Bursian, Geofrr, von Griechenlandy i. 291 sq, 

*Beul^, Les Monnaies (PAikeneSy p. 394, and PAcropoU tPAtheties^ 
p. 129, draws this conclusion from coins. 

^Rhusopulos, ArchedL Ephem,^ Athens, 1862, p. 287. Wachsmuth, 
Stadt Athen^ i. 692. 

362 The Emperor Hadrian [book n 

greatness of the god.* The completion of the Olympieum 
was interrupted for a long time. It shared the fate of 
many a cathedral of the Middle Ages, for the intention of 
friendly princes and allies to finish the temple at the public 
expense and to dedicate it to Augustus, was not carried 
out.^ Hadrian found the temple of Cossutius to be a 
building with ten Corinthian pillars at each end and 
twenty at each side in double rows.* Spartianus, Dion 
Cassius and Philostratus all affirm that Hadrian really 
completed the temple ; and Philostratus says that the 
Olympieum was at last finished, after a period of five 
hundred and sixty years (which is rather too short a 
reckoning from Pisistratus to Hadrian), that Hadrian dedi- 
cated this great and laborious work of centuries, and that 
the sophist Polemon delivered the opening address.^ 

According to Pausanias, the Olympieum was four stadia 
in extent The temple was 173 feet in breadth, and 359 
feet in length, and had a peristyle of 132 columns of 
Phrygian marble, whose diameter at the base was 6^ feet, 
and whose height was about 60 feet. In the temple Hadrian 
placed a colossal statue of Zeus, made of gold and ivory, for 
which the Olympian masterpiece of Phidias had probably 
served as a model.^ Pausanias also saw there two statues of 
Hadrian in marble from Thasos, two more in Egyptian 
marble, and bronzes erected to Hadrian by the colonies which 
stood before the columns. In fact the peribolus was filled 
with statues of the emperor, while the city of Athens had 
placed a colossus in his honour in the Opisthodomus. So 
many tiresome repetitions of the same figure in the same 
place was only a deplorable evidence of the servility of the 
Greeks to the all-powerful emperor, their political god. The 
theatres, halls and streets of Athens were filled with statues 
of the one Hadrian, for private individuals, priests, tribes and 
communities vied with one another in paying homage to 

* Livy, xli. 20. 

* Suetonius, c. 60. 

*Vitruvius, 3, 2, 7. Hirt, Gesc/t, der Baukunst, ii. 151. The temple in 
Athens was the only one of the kind Hypaethros Decastylos, 

* Philostratus {Kayser\ vol. ii., p. 44. 

* Representation on an Athenian coin in BeuM, p. 396. 

CHAP. XXIII] The Olympieum 363 

their "benefactor."* Pausanias saw him placed in the 
Stoa Basiieios close to Conon and Timotheus, as Zeus 
Eleutherius.* In the citadel, the council of the Areopagus^ 
the council of the five hundred, and the demos had erected 
a statue in his honour in gratitude for all "benefits."* 

As a serpent of Erechtheus was preserved in the temple of 
Athene Polias, the emperor wished in the same way to place 
his own genius in the Olympieum, and he caused an Indian 
serpent to be set up there — an absurd comedy which was 
not far removed from the Glycon serpent of Alexander. In 
his immeasurable vanity he was not afraid to look upon 
himself as an associate of Zeus, for the Olympieum was 
dedicated to him. But neither his ambition, nor the profane 
flattery of the Athenians went so far as to call the temple 
merely the Hadrianeum. The same priest performed the 
service for both the Olympians, the god of heaven, and his 
imperial ape. 

Of the splendour of the temple there is nothing left but 
the foundations and fifteen columns that are still standing. 
These colossal pillars produce the effect even to-day of some- 
thing quite foreign in Athens ; they seem rather to belong 
lo Baalbek and Palmyra, than to this city of the muses, 
where, notwithstanding the severe Doric style, every build- 
ing was characterized by fine proportion and taste. Perhaps 
there were some citizens even in the Athens of that time 
who preferred the ancient Parthenon to this gigantic temple. 
At the same moment when the sophist Polemon was deliver* 
ing the inaugural address at the Olympieum there was 
probably a handful of despised Christians praying in the 
house of their bishop on that Areopagus where St. Paul had 
preached the gospel seventy years before. A few centuries 

' A list of them in C.LA, n. 487 sq, 

' Pausanias, i. 3, 3. 

' CLA, n. 465. The names of the sculptors of the Hadrian statues In 
the Olympieum have been lost except two, Xenophanes, son of Chares,, 
who executed the statues in marble from Thasos, and Aulus Pantuleius 
son of Caius, who carved the Milesian statues, CJ.A, n. 476, n. 480, and 
Hirschfcld, Tituli sUUuarior, n. 159, 160. Xenophanes is called in the 
inscription rcxi^fri^, Pantuleius dr^pcovroroc^, and distinguished as *B^^iof 
6 itai MfiXi^iof (/ro/€i). 

364 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

later the Christians of Athens built a chapel to the apostle 
John in the deserted temple of Zeus, and the remains of 
Hadrian's magnificent building were in this way probably 
saved from complete destruction.^ 

The Olympieum was the centre of Hadrian's new city of 
Athens, which stretched from the eastern slope of the 
Acropolis to the Ilissus, and to it was probably assigned the 
thirteenth tribe Hadrianis. The emperor did not hesitate to 
call this new quarter Hadrianopolis.' On the marble arch 
of triumph which led to it and to the precincts of the temple, 
may still be read on both sides, towards Athens, as well as 
towards the Olympieum, the following lines : " This is Athens 
the ancient city of Theseus ; this is the city of Hadrian and 
not of Theseus."' In each niche of the second storey of the 
-entrance gate the statues of Theseus and Hadrian were 
xioubtless placed.^ The arch is almost in complete pre- 
servation, and no unprejudiced observer would say that 
this insignificant work was in proper proportion with the 
magnificence of the Olympian temple. For the rest, the 
city of Hadrian was not surrounded with walls, but the 
eastern wall was pulled down when the new quarter was 
added.^ An aqueduct supplied the city and its gardens with 
-water which came from Cephisia and was stored at Lyca- 
bettus, in a tower adorned with Ionian pillars. The emperor 
Antoninus Pius completed this aqueduct in 140 A.D.^ 

Hadrian adorned many other Greek cities with public 
buildings which Pausanias mentions in his description of 
different provinces. In Corinth he built baths and an aque- 
•duct which carried the water from the lake of Stymphalus 
into the city ; he restored the temple of Apollo at Megara, 

' The chapel was called arals KoK6^¥out or c/t rdt KoXdvvat from the columns 
of the temple, by which it was supported. A. Mommsen, Atkenae 
chrisHanae : icclesiae propre Ilissum sitae, 

'Spart c 20: Novae Athenae, so called in the inscription of the 
■aqueduct ; wiai 'ABripcu *A8piwal in Stephen Byz. sub v. Olympieion^ 
Wachsmuth, i. 688. 


^ Forbiger, Hellas und Rom, iii. 21a 

• E. Burnouf, La ville et PacropoU (P Athines aux diverses ^oques^ p. 9. 

• CLL, iii. n. 549. 

CHAP, xxiii] Buildings of Herodes Atticus 365 

and he widened the rocky road of Sciron, the narrow and 
dangerous road over the Isthmus to the Peloponnesus, by 
making gigantic foundations, so that carriages could pass 
each other. In the Phocian Abae he built a temple ta 
Apollo, a stoa at Hyampolis, and in the temple of Juno at 
Argos he placed a peacock of gold adorned with precious 
stones. He did a great deal for Mantinea on account of 
Antinous. tie restored its ancient name to this city, which 
had been called Antigoneia in honour of the Macedonian 
king Antigonus, the father of Perseus. He restored the 
temple of Poseidon Hippios there, by encasing the original 
of wood in a new building. He built a splendid temple 
to Antinous in Mantinea which he filled with statues and 
pictures of his favourite. He dedicated a monument to Epami- 
nondas with an inscription which he wrote himself. When 
he was initiated into the mysteries at Eleusis, he no doubt 
adorned the city with buildings, and the idea for the magnifi- 
cent Propylaea of the temple of Demeter probably arose there. 
It is characteristic of this period with its love for art, 
that even a Greek private individual like Herodes Atticus, 
could emulate Hadrian. Pausanias draws attention to the 
benefits which this rich sophist conferred upon Athens and 
upon other cities. It says little for him that he dedicated 
four gilded horses with ivory hoofs and two gold and ivory 
Tritons in the temple of the Isthmian Poseidon and two 
statues of Demeter and Proserpine in the gymnasium at 
Olympia. He built at Athens in memory of his wife a 
splendid Odeum, whose remains, in the Roman style, are 
still in existence. He caused the Panathenian stadium over 
the Uissus to be paved with Pentelican marble. The 
stadium was still a wonder in the time of Pausanias, and 
had hardly its equal in size, for Hadrian once had a thou- 
sand animals hunted there. Herodes also built a stadium 
of marble at Delphi, a theatre in Corinth, baths at Ther- 
mopylae, an aqueduct at Olympia, another at Canisium in 
Italy, and a splendid villa, Triopium, near Rome, on the Via 
Appia, where to-day is the vale of Cafarelli. It is no 
wonder that all the Attic tribes dedicated statues to this 
generous man. 


Hadrian's Buildings in Italy. His Villa at Tivoli 

Apart. from Rome and his villa at Tibur, Hadrian seems 
to have shown less regard for Italy than for the Hellenic 
countries. This perhaps was because he spent the greater 
part of his reign in travelling, or because the Italian cities 
had no charm for him. But our information is scanty, and 
Hadrianic inscriptions in Italy are remarkably scarce ; 
though in this country, too, he was extolled as restorer. 

He seems to have favoured especially two colonies, 
Auximum (Osimo) and Mediolanum ; the latter assumed 
the name of Aelia.^ Inscriptions in honour of Hadrian are 
to be found at Teano, Sorrento, Puteoli, and in an unknown 
place Forlanum.* The colony of Ostia boasted that he had 
supported and honoured her with all care and liberality.' 
He probably built the theatre whose remains are considered 
to belong to the time of Hadrian.* Inscriptions record 
the restoration of roads, of the Cassia from Chiusi to 
Florence, of the Via Augusta by the Trebia and of the 
road to Suessa.^ He built a harbour at Lupiae, the 
ancient Sybaris and the modern Lecce.® At Gruttae on the 
Adriatic Sea he restored the temple of the Dea Cupra or the 
Etruscan Juno.^ According to Spartianus, he drained the 

> COL . AEL . PEL . MEDiOLANENSis, Zumpt. Comm, Ep, i. io8. 
' Mommsen, LN.R, 2112, 3990. Greppo, p. 59. 
^CJ.L, vi. n. 972, 133 A.D. 

^ Notizie lUgli scavi^ Accad, d. Lifted^ 1880, p. 469. 
^Greppo, p. 57 sq. In Falerii he seems to have constructed a new 
road through the Forum ; Orelli, 3314. 
^ Pausanias, Eliac, vii. 19. 
' Gruter, 1016, 2. 

BK. II. cH. xxiv] Hadrian's Villa 367 

Fiicinc lake. This had been a plan of Caesar's, but neither 
he nor Claudius accomplished it, and Hadrian's under- 
taking could only have been a revival of the Claudian 

But the villa at Tivoli stands out above everything that 
Hadrian created, and unlike anything else in the world, 
forms his most splendid monument. It cast into the shade 
Nero's golden house. The ruins of this Sans Souci of an 
imperial enthusiast for art, cover even now an area of about 
ten miles, and present the appearance of a labyrinth of 
decaying royal splendour. Hadrian began to build his villa 
early in his reign, and went on with it until his death.* 

It may be doubted whether the site he selected was 
happily chosen. The villas of the Romans at Tusculum 
and Frascati, and by the falls of the Anio at Tibur, were all 
more open and more pleasantly situated than this villa of 
Hadrian ; but he required a large space. It stood on a 
gentle elevation well below Tibur, where the view on the 
one side was limited by high mountains, but on the other 
side extended to Rome and its majestic Campagna, as far 
as the sea. The landscape was watered by two streams, 
and close by, the Anio afforded an abundant supply of 
water. From the Lucanian bridge near which it is con- 
jectured was the main entrance to the villa, were to be seen 
for miles the wonderful pleasure-grounds stretching over hill 
and dale. The villa was as large as a city, and contained 
everything that makes a city beautiful and gay; the ordinary 
and commonplace alone were not to be found there. Gardens, 
fountains, groves, colonnades, shady corridors and cool 
domes, baths and lakes, basilicas, libraries, theatres, circuses, 
and temples of the gods shining with precious marble and 
filled with works of art, were all gathered together round this 
imperial palace. 

The large household, the stewards with their bands of 

' A column of giallo antico found there bears the date of Hadrian's 
second consulship (ii8 A.D.). Bnizza, Iscr, dei marmi grtixiy p. 187 n. 
221. Stamps on bricks from the walls run from 123-137 A.I>. Nibby, Con- 
tomi iii Romtiy iii. 651. According to Aurelius Victor, c. 14, he was still 
building palaces there after he had made over the government to Aelius 

368 The Emperor Hadrian [book ir 

slaves, the bodyguards, the swarms of artists, singers and 
players, the courtesans and ladies of distinction, the priests 
of the temple, the men of science and poets, the friends and 
guests of Hadrian ; these all composed the inhabitants 
of the villa, and this crowd of courtiers, idlers, and 
slaves had no other object but to cheer one single 
man who was weary of the world, to dispel his ennui 
by feasts of Dionysus, and to delude him into thinking 
that each day was an Olympian festival. Hadrian here 
beguiled the time in the recollections of his Odysseus-like 
travels, for this villa built according to his own designs, was 
the copy and the reflection of the most beautiful things which 
he had admired in the world. The names of buildings in 
Athens were given to special parts of the villa. The 
Lyceum, the Academy, the Prytaneum, the Poecile, even 
the vale of Tempe with the Peneus flowing through it, and 
indeed Elysium and Tartarus were all there.* 

One part was consecrated to the wonders of the Nile, and 
was called Canopus after the enchanting pleasure-grounds of 
the Alexandrians. Here stood a copy of the famous temple 
of Serapis, which stood on a canal, and was approached by 
boat The inauguration of a worship of his Antinous, which 
Hadrian did not attempt in Rome, he achieved at his villa* 
The most beautiful statues of Antinous come from a temple 
in the villa. An obelisk only twenty-seven feet in height, 
did honour in a hieroglyphic inscription to the " Osirian 
Antinous, the speaker of truth, the embodied son of 
beauty." He was depicted upon it as offering a sacrifice 
to the god Ammon Ra. If the empress Sabina survived 
the erection of the obelisk, she must have reddened with 
anger at the inscription, which declared that the emperor 
had erected this pious monument in conjunction with his 
wife, the great queen and sovereign of Egypt, to whom 
Antinous was dear.^ It may be supposed that the worship 

^ Spart F//a, at the end. 

' Ungarellius, Interpret obeliscor, urbis Romae^ 1S42, p. 172. Lepsius, 
Rotn, Stadtb, iii. 2, 604. The obelisk stands on the Pincian in Rome, 
where the Pope had it placed in the year 1822. Elagabalus is said to 
have taken it from the villa at Tivoli and to have set it up in the amphi- 
theatre Castrense, and there it was found among the rubbish. 

CHAP. XXIV] Hadrian's Villa 369 

of Antinous increased the influence of Egypt upon Roman 
art. It had long been the fashion to decorate houses and 
villas with scenes from the Nile, and with pictures of the 
animals and customs of Egypt. The wall-paintings of 
Pom|X!ii and many mosaics, like the famous mosaic of 
Palestrina, and the mosaic in the Kircher Museum are 
sufficient to prove this.^ But Hadrian had transplanted 
Egypt itself to his villa. Sphinxes and statues of gods 
carved out of black marble and red granite surrounded the 
god Antinous, who was represented as Osiris in shining 
white marble. The temples built in Egyptian style were 
covered with hieroglyphics. 

At a sign from the emperor these groves, valleys, and 
halls would become alive with the mythology of Olympus ; 
processions of priests would make pilgrimages to Canopus, 
Tartarus and Elysium would become peopled with shades 
from Homer, swarms of bacchantes might wander through 
the vale of Tempe, choruses of Euripides might be heard 
in the Greek theatre, and in a sham fight the fleets would 
repeat the battle of Xerxes. But was all this anything more 
than a miserable pretence in comparison with the fulness 
and majesty of the real world through which Hadrian had 
travelled ? The emperor would after all have surrendered 
all these splendid stage scenes for one drop from the rush- 
ing stream of real life, for one moment on board his gala 
boat on the Nile, or on the Acropolis at Athens, in Ilium, 
Smynia and Damascus, amid the acclamations of his devoted 
people. Epictctus would have laughed to see the emperor 
amusing himself with a collection of the wonders of the 
world, and would have called it sentimentality; and perhaps 
Hadrian's famous villa is an evidence of the degradation of 
the taste of the time. 

Its extent was too great to be a Tusculum of the Muses ; 
nor was it adapted to serve as a romantic hermitage, or as 
a place for repose. A Roman emperor of this period could 
not be content unless he was in the midst of splendour on a 

' The first was found in the year 1638 in Palestrina, the other on the 

Aventine, 1858. See GoMette ArchioL vi. 1880, p. 170 sq, "Mosaique du 

Mus^ Kircher," and Catalogo del Museo Kircheriano^ i. 265 sq. These 

mosaics must be considered as copies of Alexandrian carpets. 

3 A 

370 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

great scale. Hadrian might have written over the portal of 
his villa, magna domus parva quies. If the villa at Tivoli 
shows the strength of the impression made by the Greek 
world on the imperial traveller, its incredible extravagance 
can only be explained by his mania for building. Country 
seats are the least famous buildings of princes, for they serve 
only their own fleeting pleasure, but a ruler like Hadrian, who 
had provided the cities of his empire with so many public 
works, may be more easily forgiven than a Louis XIV., if for 
once he thought of himself. 

We do not know how often he stayed at the villa ; it was 
his favourite resort in his later years, and it was there that 
he dictated his memoirs to Phlegon. He possessed other 
beautiful country-houses at Praeneste and Antium.^ He died 
at Baiae, not in his villa at Tivoli. After his time the villa 
was more and more rarely inhabited by the emperors, until 
it suflered the fate of all country seats. Constantine was 
doubtless the first to plunder it, in order to carry off its 
marbles and works of art to Byzantium. At the time of the 
Gothic wars it existed only as a desolate world of wonders ; 
the warriors of Belisarius were the first to encamp in it, and 
then those of Totila. Its ruins in the Middle Ages were 
called Ancient Tivoli. Its columns and blocks of marble 
had been stolen, its statues burnt to powder. But many 
things remained hidden amid the protecting rubbish, over 
which olives and vines had been planted. The recollection 
that this charming wilderness of ruins had once been a 
pleasure resort of Hadrian, lasted a long time. Many years 
before excavations were begun there, the intellectual Pope 
Pius II. visted these ruins, and described them in melancholy 
words, which we may quote. 

" About three miles outside Tivoli the Emperor Hadrian 
built a splendid villa for himself, as large as a city. Lofty 
and spacious arches of temples are still to be seen, half ruined 
courts and rooms, and remains of prodigious halls, and of fish 
ponds and fountains, which were supplied with water by the 
Anio, to cool the heat of summer. Time has disfigured 
everything. The walls are now covered with ivy instead of 
paintings and gold embroidered tapestry. Brambles and 

' Philostratus, Vita Apollon, 8, 2a 

CHAP. XXIV] Hadrian's Villa 37' 

thorns grow in the seats of the men clad in togas of purple, 
and serpents make their home in the bed chamber of the 
empress. So perishes everything earthly in the stream of 
time." ' . 

Antiquities were first looked for in the villa at Tivoli in 
the time of Alexander VI., when statues of the Muses and 
of Mnemosyne were found.* In the sixteenth century Piero 
Ligorio first made a plan of the villa, then it was described 
by Re, and after 1735 those excavations were undertaken 
which have brought so much sculpture to light. Piranesi 
made his great plan of the villa.* In the year 1871, the 
Italian government took possession of it, and the excavations 
were carried on, but they had no great result,* for every- 
thing of importance had been discovered in the eighteenth 
century. The villa had been so completely ransacked at 
that time, that there was scarcely anything left of its 
enormous supply of marbles. Here and there floors of 
mosaic arc to be .seen ; the best preserved consist of small 
white stones with designs in black. The extent of mosaic 
flooring alone has been estimated at 5000 square miles, 
while the astonishing variety of decorations on the pillars, 
pilasters, niches, and walls is a brilliant testimony to the 
development of art at that time." 

The grounds of the villa now consist of a mass of ruins, 
large and small. Remains of temples, which, according to 
fancy, are called after Apollo, Bacchus, Serapis, Pluto, etc., 
of basilicas, baths, and theatres are scattered within the 
spacious enclosure. 

The use of some of the buildings is still apparent, the 
long rows called cento camerelU indicating the quarter of the 

> PH II. Comment, v. 138. 

• Nibby, Contomi di Roma^ iii. 656. 

' Re (telle antichith Tiburtim, Rom 161 1. Pianta delta Vitta TiburHna 
di Adrianoy by P. Ligorio and Fr. Contini in the last edition of 175 1. 
Plan by Piranesi in 1786. Upon the excavations in the eighteenth 
century, Fea, Winckelmann's translation, ii. 379 sq, 

^Floors of mosaic were found, and a beautiful perfect statue which 
seems to represent a Bacchus. Tadolini the sculptor, who has just 
(spring; of 1883) restored and shown it to me, values it more highly than 
the Antinous of the Capitol. 

* Notixie degH Scavi (Accad. d, LiHcei\ 1883, p. 17. 

372 The Emperor Hadrian [bk. ii. ch. xxiv 

imperial guards, which could contain 3000 men ; the high 
walls of a magnificent porticus are taken to be the Poeciie.^ 
The Canopus looks now like a green valley, where at the 
end are ruins from the temple of Serapis, and the. vale of 
Tempe can be distinguished as a deep depression, bordered 
by the mountains of Tivoli.* The scenery of the so-called 
Greek theatre was still so well preserved, that in the time of 
Winckelmann, when the Dionysus theatre in Athens was still 
in ruins, it gave the best idea of an ancient theatre.' 

The original use of many of the other buildings and ruins 
is obscure, and the attempt is vain to form a whole from 
these fragments of the fairyland, whose central point must 
have been the palace of the emperor. 

^ The Poecile, the so-called Aula dei sette sapienti^ the centre of the 
so-called Teairo Marittimo^ and many halls, corridors, courts, nymphaei, 
were brought to light in 1873. Notizie degli Scavi^ 1880, p. 479. 

'Poecile, Tempe, and Canopus, are the three places which can be 
decided almost with certainty ; see L. Meyer, Tibur eine rom, Studie^ 
Berlin, 1883. 

' Winckelmann, vi. 291. 


The City of Rome in Hadrians Time. Buildings of 
the Emperor in Rome. Completion of the Forum 
of Trajan. The Temple of Venus and Rome. 
Hadrians Tomb. 

WnKN Hadrian became emperor, he found the city of Rome 
not only complete in its essential characteristics, but almost 
extending to the limits which Aurelian afterwards fixed by 
the walls which he built.^ The Flavian emperors had 
restored the Capitol in all its splendour ; the imperial 
palace on the Palatine had been magnificently rebuilt by 
Domitian ; the Forum Romanum had preserved its monu- 
mental character, and during the time between Augustus 
and Trajan, the great system of imperial fora had been 
completed. On the ruins of Nero's golden house Vespasian 
and Titus had built the Coliseum, and baths which reached 
to the Esquiline, where they joined those of Trajan on the 
Carinae. The Circus Maximus had been rebuilt by Domi- 
tian, and completed by Trajan ; the stadium of Domitian, 
the present Navona, shone in fresh beauty, and adjoined the 
Pantheon and the baths of Agrippa and Nero. The number 
of aqueducts was increased by Trajan. 

Nobles and citizens had emulated the emperors in their 

' This remark at least applies to the time of Marcus Aurelius and of 
Commodus, who, about 175 A.D. established a boundary line for Rome, 
by lapidiSy and this line corresponded to the later walls of Aurelian. 
De Rossi, Piante Icnografiche di Roma^ c. vii, — Limiti di finanza 
stabiliti da Marco Aurelio e da Commodo. 

374 The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

love of building ; palaces, villas, and gardens covered the 
hills and valleys of Rome. All the arts had contributed to 
adorn the wonderful city, and Roman architecture in its 
union with the style of Greece, and in its magnificence and 
grandeur, had already reached its zenith in the buildings of 
the Flavian emperors, and of Trajan. In the time of the 
Antonines, an intelligent observer like the Greek Aristides 
could say that the whole world had produced nothing like 

The knowledge that he could not surpass the work of his 
predecessor Trajan in Rome, must have moderated Hadrian's 
passion for building ; and though it is incorrect to say that 
he was not fond , of Rome, his long periods of absence 
must have estranged him from the capital. The time, 
moreover, had arrived when Rome ceased to be the only 
object for the ambition of the emperors. This is the ex- 
planation of the fact that Hadrian, who surpassed all 
other emperors in his passion for building, did not embellish 
the capital of the empire with a great number of fine monu- 
ments. There are very few Roman local inscriptions in 
existence which refer to the buildings of Hadrian.^ 

Nevertheless, the monuments which he executed in Rome 
are magnificent ; and if to these we add the building of the 
immense villa at Tivoli, it cannot be said that Hadrian was 
less active in promoting art in Rome than Trajan. He 
drew the plans himself for many buildings, which no emperor 
before or after him could do. We are bewildered when we 
try to imagine the masses of marble which must at this 
.ime have been discharged on the banks of the Tiber. No 
emperor made use of so much valuable stone from Paros, 
from Scirus, from Luna, Phrygian marble from the quarries 
of Sinnada {j>avonazetto\ Numidian marble {giallo antico), 

^ C.LL, vi. I, n. 124a Restoration of the rifiae Tiberis and of the 
cloacae^ 121 A.D.; n. 976. Restoration of the Auguratorium (Palatine?), 
136 A.D.; n. 1233. Restoration of the Cippi of the Pomerium, 121 a.d. 
As Hadrian had made no conquests, he could not, like Claudius, Ves- 
pasian and Trajan, enlarge the Pomerium ; n. 973. Building of the/<7;u 
AeliuSy 133 A.D. ; n. 975. Inscription in honour of the overseer of the 
region in the Capitol, 136 a.d. ; this shows Hadrian's great activity for 
Rome. No. 981 : a mutilated inscription of an unknown restoration. 

CHAP, xxv] The Forum of Trajan 375 

porphyry and granite from the Thebais, and Carystian 
marble from Mount Ocha. Carystian marble [cipollind) was 
very much used in the time of Hadrian. The greatest 
number of marked blocks found in the emporium were of 
this kind of marble. Even the names of the imperial over- 
seers of this quarry, the slaves Cerealis and Hymenaeus, 
have been preserved.^ 

Like every other emperor, Hadrian restored the monu- 
ments of Rome ; among them many temples not mentioned 
by Spartianus ; the Septa, the Basilica of Neptune, the 
Forum of Augustus, the Pantheon, which had been injured 
by lightning in the time of Trajan, and the adjoining baths 
of Agrippa. He probably also embellished the interior of 
the Pantheon.* 

Hadrian began his new buildings by completing the Forum 
of Trajan ; here he first consecrated the Templum Divi 
Trajani, which the senate had erected to this emperor. It 
was the only temple upon which Hadrian placed his own 
name ; then he continued the west side of the Forum, and 
finished it with a triumphal arch. On the same side behind 
the column of Trajan, there arose a magnificent temple with 
columns of granite built by the senate to the emperor 
Hadrian.* The system of imperial fora thus extended to the 

' Bnizza, Inscr, dei tnarmi grexxi {AfinnL d. Inst. 1870), p. 137 sq, A 
column of Nutnidian marble found in the villa at Tibur, bears the date 
of Hadrian's consulate (118 a.d.) ; a block of cipollino in the emporium 
with the date of the consulate of Augurinus (132 A.T).) ; the two columns 
of the Mnrmorata bear the date of the consulate of Aclius Caesar and 
Halbinus (137 A.D.). 

'Spart c. 19. In the baths of Agrippa near the statue of Minerva, only 
brick-stamps of Hadrian of the year 123 a.d. have been found There are 
stamps which prove a restoration of the Pantheon by Hadrian between 
123 A.n. and 127 a.d., which was the time of the restoration of the Septa 
and the Basilica of Neptune. Noiiiie degli $cavi{AcccuL dei Lincet), 1881, 
p. 280283. Stamps of Hadrian's time were found in the Palatine stadium 
{Notine^ 1877, p. 201), and in the newly excavated square of bouses in 
the Forum. For some inscriptions from the Forum Hadrian i, see Jordan 
Sylloge Inscr. Fori Rom, Eph, Ep. iii. 

' Coins of Hadrian (Eckhel, vi. 509 sq,) representing a temple with ten 
columns (S.P.Q.R. ex. s.c) refer to this ; Rom, Stadtb, iii. 2, p. 107. It 
is the site of the Palace Imperiali, where the inscription of the great 
remission of debt was copied by Anonymus of Einsiedeln. 

37^ The Emperor Hadrian [book h 

edge of the Campus Martius, and on this account Hadrian 
restored the Septa and the Basilica of Neptune, which were 
adjacent.^ The Antonines went on with these buildings, 
and a new forum was erected round the column of Marcus 

According to Spartianus, Hadrian also built the temple to 
the Bona Dea f but the biographer has overlooked the Greek 
gymnasium or Athenaeum, whose site is unknown. 

Hadrian's most magnificent building in Rome was the 
double temple of Venus and Rome in the Via sacra. It 
was his own design. The imperial dilettante wished to 
immortalize himself by a monumental work without parallel, 
and this temple was in fact the largest and the most magni- 
ficent temple in the city. The architect is unknown. It 
was not Apollodorus, though his fall indeed, has been 
connected by a legend with this building. This Syrian 
from Damascus was the greatest genius among the archi- 
tects of the second century. We do not know the whole 
extent of his works, but the fact that in addition to an 
Odeum and a gymnasium for Trajan, he built the magnificent 
forum and the bridge over the Danube, is enough to make 
his name remembered. Whether Apollodorus was ever 
employed by Hadrian is doubtful. Dion relates that the 
emperor laid before him his ground-plan for the temple of 
Venus and Rome, and that the architect pointed out many 
mistakes ; in particular, he criticised the size of the statues 
of both gods, saying they would lift the roof if they rose 
from their seats — a stupid remark, which would also have 
applied to the colossus of Zeus by Phidias, in Olympia. By 
the command of Hadrian, Apollodorus is said to have been 
first banished, and then put to death.^ There is nothing, 
however, to confirm this legend ; on the contrary, Hadrian 
not only asked the great architect to edit the Poliorcetica^ 

'According to Nardini, ed. Nibby, iii. 119, the temple (basilica?) of 
Neptune appears to have been close to the Septa of Agrippa ; the porticus 
Neptuni was built by him. Hadrian, moreover, had a theatre pulled 
down on the Campus Martius, which Trajan had built. Spart c 9. 

'It was a temple of the Bona Dea upon the Aventine, which Hadrian 
probably restored. Nardini, iii. 279. 

' Dion Cassius, Ixix. 4. 

CHAP, xxv] Temple of Venus and Rome 377 

but also commissioned him to make a colossus of Luna as a 
companion to that of the Sun.* It is certainly possible that 
Apollodorus suffered from the emperor's caprice, and was no 
longer employed upon important buildings. His brilliant 
career came to a conclusion with Trajan, and his end is 
unknown. It is supposed that it is his likeness that decorates 
the triumphal arch of Constantine, where it was placed when 
the architect robbed one of Trajan's arches of its reliefs. It 
represents a man in Greek dress, who hands a drawing to 
the emperor Trajan.* 

According to Hadrian's plan, the magnificent building of 
Venus and Rome consisted of two large temples united 
under one roof; for the semi-circular apses at the end of 
each cclla joined one another at the back." A vaulted roof 
covered the whole space ; inside, the walls were adorned with 
coloured marble, outside, with white marble from Paros. The 
front of the temple of Rome faced the Coliseum, the front of 
the temple of Venus the I**orum, and each was approached 
by a flight of marble steps; for the magnificent building stood 
upon a walled-in terrace which is still in existence. Ten 
Corinthian pillars stood before each front, and twenty along 
the sides. A Pronaos stretched towards the Forum, and the 
whole building was enclosed by a granite colonnade.* The 
pediments were ornamented with carvings ; statues adorned 
the niches of the celiac, and pictures no doubt represented 
the mythical foundation of Rome. In the two tribunes were 
placed the colossal figure of Venus Victrix, and of the genius 
of Rome, both seated, and in a warlike attitude. Venus held 

' Spart c. 19 : Aliud tale (simulanim) Apollodoro architecto auctore 
facere molitus est. Nothing is known of this colossus. Neither Spartianus 
nor Kutropius nor Aurelius Victor say anything of the death of Apollo- 
dorus. Duriiy, iv. 395, has well pointed out the absurdity of the tale. 

' Nicbuhr, Vortnij^e iiber Rbnu Gesch, ill. 221. 

^ Pnidcntius, in SymmacMum^ i. 219. 

Delubnim Romae (colitur nam sanguine et ipsa 
More Deae, nomenque loci ceu numen habetur) 
Atque urbis, Venerisque pari se culmine tollunt, 
Templa, simul geminis adolentur tura deabus. 

*A Psettdodipteros decasiylos^ Adler, p. 181 ; Hirt, ii. 371. Niebuhr 
in the Rom. Stadib, iii. i. 299 x^., with appendices by Bunsen. 

378 The Emperor Hadrian [bookii 

in her right hand a Victory, in her left a lance ; Rome, the 
globe and lance.^ A roof of gilded bronze-tiles covered both 
temples. The edifice was remarkable for its combination of 
Greek and Roman forms ; for it united the rectangular plan 
of the temple with the building of the arch in the most striking 
manner.^ Hadrian caused the marble colossus of Nero, a work 
of Zenodorus, to be placed at the commencement of the Via 
sacra, between this temple and the amphitheatre, where the 
pedestal is still preserved. This difficult undertaking was 
accomplished by the engineer Decrianus with the help of 
twenty-four elephants. Spartianus remarks that the gigantic 
statue was dedicated to the sun after it had been deprived 
of the face of Nero. In all probability it was Vespasian 
who caused this to be done when the colossus was being 
prepared, after the burning of Nero's house. 

Hadrian had dedicated the temple to the genius of the 
city as well as to the ancestress of Caesar's house, a true 
Roman idea ; it had reference also to the festivals on the 
anniversary of the city of Rome which had been newly 
instituted by him, and which received in his time and probably 
from him, the name aetema. The temple afterwards was 
generally called tevipluvi urbis? It surpassed the Jupiter of 

> Eckhel, vi. 51a Roma was afterwards also represented in this way, 
the statue in the villa Medici. See Reifferscheid in Ann. d, Inst. 1865, 
P- 363 5Q' Coins of Hadrian VENERl GENETKICI. Venus, Victoria at 
her right, her left hand resting on a shield on which the flight of Aeneas 
is represented. Cohen, ii. p. 226, n. 1444, 1446. A similar one in BuiL 
ComumiU, 1877, p. 78. The COS, iiii. is a mistake. 

* Liibke, Gesch. iL Architecture i. 200. 

' Athenacus, viii. 361. Eckhel, vi. p. 5 10 refers two coins of Hadrian with 
VENisiKis.FEUCls and URBS . ROMA . AETERNA to this building, although 
the latter coin represents a temple with six columns. From two coins 
of Antoninus Pius, romae . aeternae and veneri . FELici, Niehuhri 
p. 301 has inferred that Antoninus Pius finished the temple. The coin of 
Antoninus romae. aeternae in Cohen, ii. p. 340, n. 698, represents the 
front of a temple with ten columns, and reliefs on the pediments. The 
legend roma.aeterna first appears in the time of Hadrian. Cohen, 
ii. pp. 214, 215, n. 1299 to 1303. Rome seated on armour holding in her 
right hand the heads of the sun and the moon, in her left a lance. The 
buildings of Hadrian are not immortalized by coins like those of Trajan. 
According to the chronicle of Cassiodorus (ed. Mommsen), the Temple of 
Venus and Rome was built in 136 A.D., or rather consecrated, and 

CHAP. XXV] Hadrian's Tomb 379 

the Capitol and Vespasian's temple of Peace, and it was not 
even dwarfed by the Flavian amphitheatre and the villa. 

At the same time that this magnificent building and the 
villa at Tibur arose, Hadrian remembered that he was mortal, 
and caused his tomb to be built. The site selected was the 
garden of the Domitia, near the triumphal way, which led to 
the city over the triumphal bridge. He wished to give a 
new appearance to this quarter of the Vatican. He founded 
a circus there, which he destined for the festival games in 
honour of his divinity. The Goths under Vitiges entrenched 
themselves in this circus, and its remains were visible until 
far into the Middle Ages, behind the Mausoleum.^ Hadrian 
could not, like Trajan, find his last resting-place under a 
splendid column erected in his honour in the centre of the 
city of Rome, decked with glories of war and conquests, 
but he was determined to build himself a tomb more 
beautiful than that of Augustus (where there was no more 
room left), more worthy of admiration than the mausoleum of 
Halicarnassus, and not surpassed in durability even by the 
Pyramids of the Pharaohs. And in truth the vain emperor 
created a monument, whose ruins, with the additions which 
it received in the Middle Ages, form still one of the most 
striking architectural features of Rome, though the Vatican 
be near for comparison. Hadrian devoted many years to 
this building, which he no doubt planned himself.* 

The mausoleum rising several storeys high, adorned with 
statues and shining with the splendour of marble, must have 
been a magnificent sight. But no correct description of it has 

this view is also taken by Fca, Varieth di Nolitie^ p. 145. Nissen, Das 
Temfilum^ p. 202, disputes the passage in Athenaeus, viii. 361, which 
determines the date of the foundation to be on the festival of Palilia 
(21st of April), and places it on the festival of Floralia (28th of April to 
3rd of May), l^he foundation on the festival of the Palilia is, however, 
the more probable. Sec Preller, ii. 356. 

' Procopius, De bell. Goth^ ii. 2, i, speaks of the circus, but does not 
mention its name. In the Middle Ages it was called theatnim Neronis ; 
it is shown on a plan of the city of the thirteenth century, and on other 
plans. Dc Rossi, Piante icnograf. di Roma^ p. 85. The remains of the 
circus, close to the Castle of S. Angelo, were still seen by Blondus and 
Fulvius ; Nardini, iii. 363. 

'That it was being built already in 123 A.D., is proved by brick stamps 
bearing the consular year. 

38o The Emperor Hadrian [book ii 

come down to us, and the picture that has been attempted 
of it from the meagre account of Procopius of Labacco, 
Piranesi, Hirt, Canina, and others, is partly imaginary.^ The 
gigantic building consisted of a square basement of traver- 
tine blocks, fifteen palms in height, still in good preserva- 
tion, though half covered over with earth. At each comer 
of this basement, four horses of gilt bronze are said to have 
stood upon the foundation, which was faced with blocks of 
marble, and surrounded by a Corinthian colonnade. The 
tomb of Caecilia Metella with its frieze of bulls' heads and with 
the architrave under which the inscriptions of the dead were 
placed, must clearly have been used by Hadrian as a pattern. 
In this hall, as well as on the platform of the tower, which 
was approached by a flight of steps, works of sculpture were 
placed, statues of horses and men, as Procopius says, of the 
most admirable workmanship, and there the statue of Had- 
rian, a work of enormous size, is also said to have stood on 
a quadriga.* 

From the portal of the mausoleum, which was closed by a 
bronze door (the famous porta aenea of the Middle Ages), a 
vaulted winding passage, similar to the passage in the pyra- 
mids of Egypt, led up to the imperial sepulchre, which occu- 
pied the centre of the large round tower. The sepulchre was 
quadrangular, built of massive blocks of stone, which once 
were faced with valuable marble. There were four large 
niches to receive sarcophagi, and cinerary urns could be 
placed on shelves close by. A porphyry sarcophagus in the 
middle of the chamber contained the remains of the emperor. 

Over the large round building there seems to have been a 
second smaller one in the shape of a temple with pillared 
halls, and a winding passage in it led to another sepulchre.' 
We do not know how the dome of this temple was finished ; 
the opinion that it was crowned by the large bronze pine- 

1 In mediaeval plans of the city the mausoleum is represented as a 
tower of two storeys rising from a quadrangular substructure. This is the 
way in which Filarete, who was the first artist to handle the subject, has 
depicted it on the bronze doors of St. Peter's. 

' Procopius, De bell, Goth. i. 22; Panvinius, urds Roma, p. 1 14; Winckel- 
mann, xii. c. i, 29a 

' Bunsen, ibid. p. 418. 

CHAP. XXV] Hadrian's Tomb 381 

cone which now stands in the court of the Belvedere is not 
well founded.' The original entrance to the tomb is now 
walled up. It faced the Aelian bridge over the Tiber, which 
the emperor built not far from the triumphal bridge, and 
probably then destroyed. The new bridge resting upon seven 
arches of travertine, and richlyadorned with statues, was already 
built in 1 34 A.l). But Hadrian did not live to see the 
completion of the mausoleum. It is even uncertain 
whether he buried his wife Sabina and his adopted son 
Aelius Caesar there ; perhaps this was only done by his 
successor Antoninus Pius, who removed the ashes of the 
emj^eror from Puteoli, and deposited them in the mausoleum. 
An inscription says that Antoninus consecrated the tomb of 
his parents by adoption, Hadrian and Sabina, in 139 A.D.* 

The magnificent mausoleum was the conclusion of the life 
and actions of the emperor Hadrian. After the fall of the 
empire it served as dungeon, citadel, and fortress of Rome 
during the gloomy centuries of the Papacy, and its melan- 
choly history can be read in the chronicles of the Eternal 
City in the Middle Ages. 

' Lacour-Gaycl i^Milanges (PArch. et tTHist^ Ecoie franqaise de 
Rome^ 1881, p. 312 sq\ proves that the pigna does not come from the 
mausoleum, and supports the view of authorities on the Middle Ages^ 
who maintain that it crowned the dome of the Pantheon. This certainly 
cannot be proved. 

* See the first of the titles of the mausoleum, n. 984-995 ; CJ.L. vL i. 


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Abac in Phocis, 365. 

Abonotichiis, 295 sq, 

Abjrdos, 71, 140. 

Achnin, 34, 77, 78, 79. 

Adane, 103. 

Adiahene, 17. 

AdramyUium, coins of, with Antinous, 

Adria, I. 

Adrinna, sff Iladriana. 
Adrinn<>|Milis in Thrace, 85. 
AdiHk-tt/t /isn\ 198. 
Acclanum, 356. 
Aegae, 103, 313. 
Aegina, 140. 
Aelia^ name granted to cities, 46, 91, 

356, 366. 
Aelia Capitolina, 28, 159 jf., called by 

Emperor Commod us "Commodiana," 

163, 164 ; long survival of the name, 

356 ; see also Jerusalem. 
Aelia Mursa, 59. 

Aelian, Sophist of Praeneste, 236. 
Aelio/>olis^ name granted to cities, 356. 
Aelium Aquincum, 59. 
Aelium Camutum, 59. 
Aeraniwi, 39, 198. 
Ac»ini, 102. 
Africa, province, 89; ciiies enumerated, 

Agri dennnaiesy 55, 57. 
Agricola, Cn. lulius, 11, 6a 
Agrippa, M. Maenius, 6a 
Akiha, Rabhi, in, 145, 158. 
Alaltastcr, cnloure<l, used for laists, 342. 
Alani, war with the, 165 jy., 247. 
Albanians, 7a 

Alcibiades, 47. 

Alcinous, 282. 

Alexander the Great, 72. 

Alexander of Abonotichus, 294 sg, 

Alexander of Troas, the sophist, 266. 

Alexandria, 47, I26x^., centre of learn- 
ing and philosophy, 238 ; its library, 
240; destroyed by fire, 240; coins of, 
with Antinous, 309. 

Alexandria Troas, 68, 73. 

Ah'tnenfa It aline of Trajan, rcprcsenta« 
tion in relievo, 345. 

Amasia, 69. 

Amastris, 2991 

Amisus, 69, coins with Antinous, 309. 

Amphictyonic Leaguc,84 ; its members, 

Amphipolis, 140. 

Ancyra, 69 ; coins with Antinous, 309. 

Ancmurium, 140. 

Antigonia, set Alexandria Troas. 

Antigonus, 73. 

Antinoe, 307, 308, oracle at A. in 
honour of Antinous, 307 ; buiH in 
honour of Antinous, 357. 

Antinoopolis, see Antinoe. 

Antinous, 49, 87, 187, death of, at 
I)esa, 131 sg,\ honoured as lacchut, 
142 ; remarks on the deification of, 
305 sq, ; statues of, 3Sa 

Antioch, 16, 17, 28, 67, 105. 

Antiochus, 72, 105. 

Antium, Villa of Hadrian at, 37a 

Antoninus Pius, Emperor, 62, 63, 76, 
181 jf., 276, inscription at Jerusalem 
bearing his name, 163. 

Antoninus Titus Arrius, 1 1, 182, 237. 



Apelles, 97. 
Aphrodisias, 142. 
Apollinaris, C. Sulpicius, 252. 
Apollo, oracles of, 102, 301, 302. 
— Didymeus Temple of, 101. 
Apollodorus of Damascus, 12, 33, 247, 


Apollonius, philosopher, 235. 

Apollonius, rhetorician, 235 

Apollonius of Tyana, 262, 281, 313. 

Af>ollonius, Dyscolus, 252. 

Appian of Alexandria, 72, 248. 

Apronianus, Cassius, 21. 

Apuleius, 90, 237, 280. 

Aqueducts at Troas,355; at Dyrrhachium, 
356 ; built by Hadrian, 356 ; at 
Alexandria Troas, 359; at Athens, 
364 ; at Corinth, 364 ; at Olympia, 
365 ; at Canisium, 365. 

Aquitania, 54. 

Ara Ubiarum^ 56. 

Arabia Petraea, 14, 114, province re- 
tained, 25. 

Architecture under Hadrian, 354 sq, 

Arelate, 263. 

Argentoratum (Strassburg), 55. 

Argos, oracle of Apollo at, 77, 83, 85, 

Aristides, apologist, 328. 

Aristides, P. Aelius, rhetorician, 72, 
262, 374. 

Ariston of Pella, 151. 

Aries, 54. 

Armenia, province of, 17; abandoned, 


Armenia, Minor, 69, 70. 

Army, Hadrian's reforms, 47, 48. 
Arrian, Flavius, 69, 72, 163 sq» 243 sq. 

hb Enchiridion^ 246. 
Art among the Romans, 332 sq, \ 

Hadrian's relation to, 12, 332 sq, ; 

Activity in art in the Empire, 333 j^.*, 

Greek artists in Rome, 334, 336; 

character of, in Hadrian's age, 338 ; 

under Trajan, 12. 
Artemidorus Daldianus of Ephesus, 280. 
Artemion, 18. 
Artemis, 97. 
ArUmisiuf/i, 97. 

Asia, province of, 68. 

Asclepios of Byblus, 266. 

Aspendus, 102. 

Asper, M. Antonius, 91. 

Assyria, 25. 

Atkettaeum, 88, 241. 

Athenagoras, 293. 

Athens, 15, 47, 49, 85 ; Hadrian's first 
visit to, 81 ; second visit to, 95 ; third 
visit to, 139; description of, 81; 
seat of philosophy and rhetoric, 
237 sq.i Pantheon at, 360; Odeum 
at, 365. 

Atra, temple of the Sun at, 20. 

Attianus, Caelius, 6, 14, 21, 22, 29, 35, 
42, 222. 

Attica, 77. 

Augurinus, Sentius, 11. 

Augusta Rauracorum (Basel), 5S« 

Augustus Caesar, 69, 70, 78, 81 ; his 
journeys, 45; attitude toward the 
Senate, 216; hieroglyphic inscription, 
306 ; represented on a relievo at 
Ravenna, 307. 

Auranitis, 104. 

Aurum Corotuirium, 38. 

Auximum (Osimo), 366. 

Avitus, 299. 

Baalbek (Heliopolis), 28, 108. 

Babylon, 17. 

Baden-Baden, built by Trajan, 55. 

Uaetica (Hispania ulterior), 6, 64. 

Baiae, 35, 370. 

l^rcocheba, 146, 147, 149, lS4i >S5- 

Basel (Augusta Rauracorum), 55. 

Basilica of Neptune, 375, 376. 

Basilides, 331. 

Baths at Corinth, 364 ; at Thermopylae, 

Belgica, 54. 

Berytus, 106, 107, 108. 
Besa (Antinoe), 308. 
Bether, 144, 145, 154. • 

Bithynia, 68, 70, 71. 299. 356. 
Bithynium (Claudiopolis), 71 ; coins of, 

with Antinous, 309. 
Boeotia, 77, 84. 
Borbetomagus (Worms), 55. 



BordcAux, 54. 

Rosponis 169; the Thradan, 169; 

the Cimmerian, never a Roman 

province, 17a 
Nostra, 28, 117. 
Branch idae, oracle of, 502. 
Krigantcs, 6a 
Hrij»cl!o, 59. 
Britain conquered by Claudius, 60; 

visit of Hadrian to, 61 ; Hadrian's 

wall, 62, 63. 
Bronxes, scarcity of, in H/s time, 342. 
Buildin(^ of Hadrian in Jerusalem, no 

remains of any, 163. 
Byzantium, 17a 

Caecilia Metella, tomb of, 380. 

Caesar, C. Julius, 60, 72 ; consecrated, 

Caligula, 78, 84. 

Camalodunum, 60. 

Cttmr<«, 341. 

Campania, 43 ; temple of Isis in, 126. 

Canisium, aqueduct at, 365. 

Cappadocia, 69, 70, 104 ; Arrian gover- 
nor of, 246 ; Scverian governor of, 297. 

Caracal la, 276, 31a 

Caria, 68, 76, loi, 356. 

Carthage, assumes the name of Hadrian- 
o|n»lis, 90. 

Casper, Flavius, 252. 

Cassius, Avidius, 105. 

Castle of S. Angclo, see Mausoleum. 

Castra Vetera, 61. 

Caslricius, 256. 

Catana, 86. 

Catti, 57. 

Catullinus, Q. Kabius, 91. 

Celer, Velleius, 235, 252, 256, 310. 

CelsMs, r. juventus, 223. 

Celsus, L. Pablius, 14, 21, 34, 35. 

Celsus 313. 

Cerasus (I'hamacia), 69, 1 69. 

Cereal is, Tetilius, 6a 

Ccphalion, 247. 

Chaennus, 278. 

Chaeronea, 84 ; birthplace of Plutarch, 

Cheraiphron, 97. 

Chosroes, 25, 70. 

Christianity, 322 sq, ; declared by 
'\TKyKti^religioilli(Uay 326 ; Hadrian*8 
rescript regarding, 326 ; doubts as to 
its authenticity, 326, 327 ; arguments 
in favour of authenticity, 328. 

Cibyra, 102. 

Cilicia, 68, 104. 

CipolliM, 375. 

Cirais Maximus, 373. 

— of Hadrian, 379. 

Cius, 71. 

Clarus, oracle of Apollo at, 297, 302. 

Clarus, C. Septidus, 43, 63, 222, 251. 

Claudiopolis, 71. 

Claudius, Emperor, 65, 78, 84 ; conquest 
of Britain by, 60; arrangement of 
Danubian provinces, by, 59. 

Clemens, Pactumdus, 228. 

Cohors /., Flavia urbana, 1 95. 

Cohories urbanae^ 222. 

Coins of Hadrian's time, 50 x^., 339, 

Coliseum, 373, 379. 

Cologne (Colonia Agrippina), 9, 55, 

Colophon, loi. 

Columella, L. Junius Moderatus, 64. 

Commagene, 69. 

Ccntmediana^ name given to Aelia 

Commodus, Ceionius, su Verus, Lucius 

Coitsih'mn^ judidal, under Hadrian. 

Conspiracy of the Consulars, 34, 35. 

Constantine, 48, 73 ; indictions of, 40 ; 
arch of, 377. 

Censtitutionts fHmifntm^ 228. 

Consul suffutus^ Quietus appointed, 
19, 228. 

Controvtrsiat^ 255. 

Coptus, 134, 135- 

Corduba, 64. 
^ Corinth, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85 ; coins of, 
with Antinous, 309; baths and 
aqueduct built by Hadrian at, 364 ; 
theatre by I lerodes Atticus, 365. 

Coronea, 94. 

Colys, coins of, f 7a 



Crito of Pieria, 247. 

Ctesiphon, 17, 7a 

Curator actoruin Senatin^ 13. 

Cursus vekiadarius ox publicum ^ 199. 

Cynic philosophy, 288. 

Cyprus, 140; copper mines in, 17; 

rising of Jews in, 18. 
Cyrenaica, 89, 356, 
Cyrcne, province of, 17. 
Cyziais, ^5 ; called Phihsebas/os and 

Adriane^ 74; Olympian games at, 

140; coins of, with Antinous, 309; 

temple at, 358, 359. 

Dacia, Hadrian in D. with Trajan, 12, 
I3> 30; conquest of, 13; threatened 
by the Koxolani, 32 ; divided into two 
provinces, 33. 

Dadans, first war against, 12 ; second 
war against, 13. 

Daemons, belief in, 314. 

Dalmatia, 30; separated from Moesia, 

Damascus, 28, 108^ 109. 

Damis, biographer of Apollonius, 313. 

Decebalus, 13, 14. 

Decoration of houses, 339 sq, 

Decrianus, 378. 

Delos, oracle of Apollo at, 301. 

Delphi, 84, 85, 301 ; coins of, with 

Antinous, 309 ; Stadium at, built by 

Herodes Atticus, 365. 
Demonax, 81, 288, 289. 
Didymae near Miletus, 302. 
Dies imperii of Hadrian, 22. 
Dinocrates, 97. 
Diogenes of Heraclea, 247. 
Dion Cassius, 2, 47, 143, 249, and 

Dion Chrysostom, 12, 75, 263, 264. 
Dionysia^ 82. 
Dionysius, Aelius, of Halicarnassus, 

252, 277. 
Dionysius of Miletus, 239, 265. 
Dioscurias, see Sebastopolis. 
Disciplitia Augusti^ 48. 
Dium, 140. 
Dodona, 85. 
Domilia Cal villa, 183. 

Domitia Lucilla, wife of L. Commcxlus 

Verus, 175. 
Domitia Paulina, mother of Hadrian, 6. 
Domitian, 8, 9, 12, 78, 260 ; liuus of, 

Domitius, 252. 

Doris, 84. 

Dyrrhachium, aqueduct at, 356. 

Eburacum, 60, 63. 
Edessa, 19. 
I Edfctum perpetuuMf 226 sq. 
J^gypt. 18, 120 jy., 356. 
Elagabalus, 321. 
Eleusinian mysteries, 81, 95. 
Eleusis, first visit of H., 84 ; second, 

94. 95. 142. 
Emerita, 64. 
Epaminondas, 47, 83. 
Epaphroditus, 283. 
^phesus, 140 ; first visit of II. to, 67 ; 

second visit of H. to, 95 ; history and 

description of, 98 sq, ; temple built by 

H. at. 359. 
Epictetus, 234, 284. 
Epicuracans, 315. 
Epirus, 85. 
Equites, 216 sq.\ as constituted by 

Augustus, 216 ; as constituted by 

Hadrian, 217. 
Ergastula^ 230. 
Erycius of Thessaly, 276. 
Euboea, 85. 
Euphranor, 97. 

Euphrates, philosopher, 183, 283. 
Euphrates, IT sq.i boundary of Konian 

Empire in Asia, 24. 
Evodus of Rhodus, 276. 

Fadilla, Arria, 182. 

Faliscus, Arrianus, 276. 

Faustina, Annia Galeria, 183. 

Faventia, 35. 

Favorinus, 237, 264 i^., 268, 303. 

Fiscust 39, 197, 221. 

Flaccus, Calpurnius, 256. 

Fleet, 195. 

Florus, Julius, 250. 

Florus, L. Annius, poet, II, 274. 



Forlanuni, 366. 
Forum, Adriani, 59. 

— I he Unman, 373. 

— AuRiisti, 375. 

— Trajani, 37, 37$. 

Frontn, M. Cornelius, 90, 214, 235, 

256* 257. 
Fnigi C'rassus, 21, 29. 
Fnitnnifant\ 63. 
Fulvus, Aurelius, 182. 
Fundanus, C. Minucius, 327, 328. 
Furnilure of Hadrian*s time, 337. 

Gadcs (Cadir.), 6. 

Gaius (Caligula), policy of, towards 

Senate, 218. 
Gaius, jurist, 228. 
Galatia, 69, 70. 
Galen, Claudius, 252. 
Gaul, 54, 63. 
Gelltus, Aulus 237, 242, 258 ; pupil of 

Favorinus, 263, 293. 
Getts Aflia^ 32. 
Gentianus, Terentius, 174. 
Gcrasa, 28. 
German ia, 9, 55 sq, 

— superior and inferior ^ 9, 55 ; coins, 

Gin/ to antifo found in Africa, 89, 374. 

(ilndiatnrs, 13. 

Glcvum, 63. 

Gnosticism, 125, 331. 

Gordycne, 17. 

Granianus, Licinius, 327. 

Greece, 77 j^. 

Gruttae, 366. 

Gymnasia, built by Hadrian, 356; al 

Athens, 361 ; at Smyrna, 356. 

Iladria, 6. 

Hndrianus Afer, P. Aelius, father of 
Emperor, 6. 

Hadrian. Emperor, his portrait, 1-8; 
his character, 2, 4, i86-i88; birth, 
death of father, school in Rome, 6 ; 
return to Spain, recalled to Rome, 
fond of chase, 8 ; trilnme, 8 ; military 
triUme, 9; quaestor, 12; in first 
T)acian war, 12 ; Curator aciorum 

Sena/t4St 13; tribune, legionary legate 
in second Dacian war, 13; praetor, 
exhiliits games, praetorian legate of 
I^wcr Pannonia, 13; consul, 13; ad* 
jutant general to Trajan, 14 ; Athens 
elects him archon, 15, 78; in Parthian 
war, 16 ; at Anlioch, 16 ; in supreme 
command of eastern army, 20; adopted 
by Tmjan, 21 ; legions hail him Im- 
{wrator, 22 ; remains at Antioch, 22 ; 
character and policy as emperor, 23 ; 
surrenders the lately acquired prov- 
inces of Trajan, 24 ; travels westward 
and settles affairs in PanrK)nia and 
iHicia, 30-33 ; arrival in Rome, 36 ; 
the great remission of debt, 38-40; 
second consulate, 40; third con- 
sulate, 41 ; celebrates gladiatorial 
games, 41 ; his journeys, 45 sq,; his 
military organization, 47, 48, 56, 57 ; 
administration of justice, 48; visits 
G«"lf 53» 54; visits Germany, 55 
sq.; visits Raetia and Noricum, 58, 
59 ; in Britain, 60 sq, ; through Gaul 
to Spain and Mauretania, 64 sq.; 
first journey to the East, 67 x^.; in 
Greece and at Athens, 77 sf.; goes 
to Africa, 87 (^.; second journey to 
the East, 93 «/.; in Syria, 102 x^.; in 
Judaea and Ai:d)ia, 1 1 1 x^.; in Egypt, 
120 x^.; on the Nile, 128 xf.; revisits 
Athens, 138 .<//.; last years in Rome, 
173 xf.; death of Sabina, 174; adop- 
tion and death of Aelius Venis, 178 
sf, ; adoption of Antoninus and death 
of Hadrian, 183 x^. 

Hadrianeum at Alejcandria, 358. 

Hadrian of Tyre, sophist, 271. 

Hadriana or Hadrianopolis inCyrenaica, 

Hadriana^ a name granted to dties, 46, 

69. 7«. 74. 356- 
Hadriane, 71. 

Hadrianis^ name of a new Athenian 

tribe, 94 ; name of a new Megarian 

trilic, 94. 
Hadrianotherae, 71 ; coins of, with 

Antinons, 309, 356; founded by 

Hadrian, 356. 



Hadrianopolis^ name granted to cities, 

Halicarnassus, 74, 277, 379. 
Harpocrates the Gnostic, 331. 
Harpocrates, 235, 309, 310, 348. 
Heliodonis, Avidius, 224, 234, 252, 265. 
Heliopolis in Egypt, 128, 130; oracle 

at, 302; obelisk erected there by 

Hadrian, 347. 
HeliopolU (Baalbek), 28. 
Helvetia, 55. 
Hephaestion, 235, 252. 
Hermippus of Berytus, 278. 
Herodes Atticus, 73, 235, 264, 268, 272; 

corrector of the cities of Asia, 355. 
Herodianus, Aelius, 252. 
Hierapolis in Syria, 302 ; coins of, with 

Antinous, 309. 

lamblichus of Syria, 280. 

Iberia, 7a 

Ilium, 47, 71. 

lllyricum, 30, 356. 

Impcrator^ title assumed for second 

time by Hadrian, 156. 
Imperium procoMulartt 179, 220. 
Inscriptions from Greek cities, 140. 
lonopolis (Abonotichus), 294, 299. 
Iseum et Serapeum, 126. 
Isis, 126. 
Istria, 132. 

Isthmus, cutting of, 269, 270. 
Ilalica, 6, 9, li, 65. 
Italy, Pliny's praise of, 191 ; no troops 

in, 195. 
Izates, 17. 

Janus, temple of, closed, 45. 

Jason of Argos, 247. 

Jazyges, 31. 

Jerusalem, 28, 1 12, 113, I44» i^S* 164, 

Jews, 27, 28; rising in Mesopotamia 

and Cyrene of, 17 ; rising in Cyprus, 

18; rising under Barcocheba, 143 

Joshua ben Chananja, 144. 
Journeys of Hadrian, remarks on, 45 sq, , 

su also Hadrian. 

Judaea, governed by a procurator, 197. 

Julia Balbilla, 129. 

Julianus, Salvius, 90, 223, 226, 227. 

Julianus, Antonius, 151, 256. 

Julian, Emperor, 311 ; his sketch of 

Hadrian, 186. 
Jurisprudence, 226 sq. 
Jurists, Roman, 227, 228. 
Jus sladii^ 196. 

— /fi/iV, 210. 

— quiritium^ 23 1. 

— respondctidi^ 227. 

— trium libtrorum^ 232. 
Justin Martyr, 330. 
Justinian, 79. 
Juvenal, 11, 62. 

Kehlheim, 57. 

Laberius Maximus, 21, 29. 

Lambaesis, 90, 91. 

Lanuvium, temple of Diana and An- 
tinous at, 310. 

Laodicea, 14a 

Lateran Museum, 351. 

Latinus Junianus^ 23 1. 

Leandcr Nicanor of Alexandria, 247. 

Lebadea, oracle of Trophonius at, 84, 

Lcgati Aug, iuridici, 197. 

— Aug, pro praelore^ 196. 

— Aug. praeiorii, 196. 

— legionary, 197. 

/.eges Julicu of Augustus, 196 sq. 
Legions, Miturvia^ i«t 13* 

Trajcum li., 121, 151. 

Adjutrix II., 8. 

Augusta III., 89, 90, 91. 

Cyretuuca ill., 117, 151. 

Galiica III., 151. 

Scythita iv., 151, 152. 

Maccdonica V. 9, 31. 

Ferrata vi., 163. 

Victrix VI., 61, 62. 

Claudia vii., 152. 

Cetuina Vii., 64. 

Gtrnina X., 59, 152. 

Fretmsis x., 19, 20, 113, 145, 151, 



Legions, h'ulminata XI I., 69, 166. 

ApciUnaris XV., 69, 1 66. 

Flmna Firma xvi., 69. 

Valeria Vutrix XX., 62. 

Dciotariatm XX 1 1., 9, 121. 
Lex^ Afh'a Srtt/ta 204, 230, 23 1. 

— fff Impe^iOy 219. 

— • FtiHa Ca/tittia, 204. 
— /t//ia, 211. 

i/e aduih'His^ 230. 

Mnnuipalis^ 211. 

— Jmn'a A^orhana^ 205, 23 1. 

— Pftronia^ 229. 

— Pfatt/ia rnpin'a^ 211. 

— -AV^Vf, 219, 221. 
LiYicrtini, 205. 

/ Lilirary nt Athen!%lnii1t by Hadrian, 361 ; 
of Alexandria, 240 ; in Rome, 240 ; 
in Iiadrian*s villa, 367. 
IJhH Ca/arkannof, 277. 
LftnrSf GermnnirtiSf 57, 

— fCae/inis^ 57. 

j Literature under fladrian, 234 sq.^ 
273 sq. 
Livianus, 14. 
l/ocris, 84. 

I^llianus of Fphesus, 237, 266. 
Londinium, 63. 
Luran, 64. 
Lucian, 75, 80, 242, 278, 280, 282, 290, 

299, 3 < 7- 320. 
Lucius Patrensis, 28a 

I^icuas, 17. 

IvUgdunum (Lyons), 54. 

Luptae, harlKHir liuilt at, l>y Hadrian, 

Lupus, Julius, 182. 
Lupus, procurator, 18. 
Lasitania, 64. 
I^isius Quietus, 14, 65 ; quells the 

Jewish rebellion in Mesopotamia, 19, 

20, 25 ; removed from Palestine, 26 ; 

conspiracy and death, 34, 35. 
lAitetia(pAris), 54. 
Lycaonia, 68. 
Lycia, 102, 356. 
Lydia, 68, 100, loi. 
Lysimachus, 72, 73, 74. 
Lysippus, 97. 

Macedonia, province of, 30, 78, 84» 85» 

Macer, Baebius, 29. 

Maecianus Volusius, 228. 

Magnesia on the Meander, loi. 

Major, C. Julius, 91. 

Mantinea, 83, 94 ; seat of the Antinous 
cult in Greece, 308; coins of» v^ith 
Antinous, 309; temple of Poseidon 
Hippius at, renewed by Hadrian, 365. 

Marble, coloured, much used in Rome, 
341; imported from Numidia, 341; 
Numidian, 374 ; Carystian, 375. 

Marcellus, Publius, 152. 

Mardana, 8, 10. 

Marcomanni, 57. 
I Marats Aurelius, 81, 181 ; extends the 
' remission of debt, 40 ; makes no men- 
tion of Antinous, 309. 

Marcus of Bynntium, 262, 266, 267. 

Marius Maximus, 249. 

Martial, II, 64. 

Massilia, 54; walls built by a private 
citizen, 355. 

^fatidia, 8, lo, 22 ; death of, 43. 

Mauretania, 65 ; governed by a pro- 
curator, 197; Caesariensis (Algiers), 
18, 65; Tingita9ta (Tangier), 6$. 

Mauri or Moors, 65. 

Mausoleum of Hadrian, 379 sq, 

Maximus of Aegae, 313. 

Mayence (Moguntiacum), 55. 

Maxaca, 69. 

Medallions of Hadrian's time, 34a 

Mediolanum, 366. 

Megara, 85, 94 ; temple of Apollo at, 
rebuilt by Hadrian, 364. 

Melissa, 47. 

Melissus, Aelius, 252. 

Melitene, 69, 7a 

Melito, bishop of Sardis, loi, 324, 328. 

Memnon, statue of, 47, 133, 134. 

Memnonium, 133. 

Memphis, 129, 130. 

Mesomedes of Crete, 276. 

Mesopotamia, 17 ; abandoned, 25. 

Messana, 86. 

Miletus, lOf, 14a 

Miltiades, 47. 



Mines (opus metalli), 330. 

Mithriclates of liosporus, 69, 97. 

Moeragenes, 313. 

Moesia, Hadrian tribune in, 9, 30 ; ex- 
tent of province of, 31 ; threatened 
by the Roxolani, 32 ; Lower Moesia, 
32 ; united with Hellas and Mace- 
donia, 78. 

Moguntiacum (Mayence), 55, 56. 

Moles Hadriani, see Mausoleum. 

Mopsvestia, 103. 

Mosaics from the Tiburtinum, 342, 369. 

AfumciptuM, 209. 

Mursa, see Aelia Mursa. 

Museums, Torlonia, 335, 346 ; the 
Vatican, 335, 347. 34^; the Lateran, 
3"» 335» 35> ; National, at Athens, 
352 ; at Naples, 351 ; Kirchner, 369. 

Musonius Ru^s, 283, 288. 

Myra, 102. 

Myron, 97, 348. 

Mysia, 68. 

Myus Hormus, 134. 

Naarda, 17. 

Naples, cult of Antinous, 311 ; splendid 

buildings in, 355. 
Narbonne, 54. 
Narbonensis, 54. 
Nemea, 83. 
Neocaesarea, 69. 
Neocoria, 98, loi, 306. 
Neoplatonism, 283. 
Nepos, Aulus Platorius, 14, 62, 174. 
Nepos, Titus Haterius, 224. 
Nero, Emperor, 78, 84, 85. 
Nerva, Cocceius, Senator, subsequently 

Emperor, 9 ; his death, 9 ; exempted 

Italy from the support of the Imperial 

post, 199. 
Nicaea, 71 ; restored by Hadrian, 359. 
Nicanor of Cyrene, 252. 
Nicomedia, 71 ; birthplace of Arrian, 

245 ; coins with Antinous, 309 ; re- 

stored by Hadrian, 359. 
Nicopolis, 74, 84, 85 ; coins with 

Antonius, 309. 
Nigrinus, Avidius, 14 ; conspiracy and 

death, 34, 35. 

Nile, Hadrian's voyage on, 59, 128. 
Nisibis, 17, 19. 
Nismes, 54, 63, 142. 
Noricum, 30, 59. 
Noviodunum, 59. 
Novum Ilium, 71, 72. 
Numenius, 276. 

Numidia, 89 ; coloured marble obtained 
from, 341. 

Octavianus {see Augustus), 3. 
Odessus, 171 ; Roman fleet stationed 

at, 31. 
Odeum at Athens, 365. 
Oenomaus of Gadara, 282, 288, 302. 
Olbia, 102. 
Olympia, 78, 83 ; aqueduct at, 365 ; 

celebration of the, by Hadrian, 1401^. 
Ofym/ieum, 82 ; dedication of, 140 ; 

built by Hadrian, 362 ; description, 

362, 363. 
Olympus in Lydia, 102. 
Oracles, 84, 301, 302. 
Oratory, Roman, 233 jy. 
Orion, 252. 
Orsova, 33. 
Osroene, 17. 
Ostia, statue of Antinous as Vertumnus 

found at, 311 ; favoured by Hadrian, 


Paintings in the Artemisium at Epbesus, 
98 ; at Tiburtinum, 342. 

Pales, 140. 

Palestine, province, 19, ill j^. 

Palilia, 43, 44. 

Palma, Cornelius, 14, 20, 21 ; con- 
spiracy and death of, 34, 35. 

Palmyra, 28, 109, no; colonnades at, 

Pamphylia, cities in, visited by Hadrian, 

68, 71, 102. 
Pancrates, 137, 239, 276. 
Panhellenia, 141, 360. 
Pannonia, 30, 59; Lower, 13, 30; 

Hadrian legate in, 13, 30. 
Pantheon, 375 ; containing list of 

Hadrian's buildings, 360, 361. 
Panticapaeum, 170. 


raphlngonii, 194, 196, 3J6. 

Parium, «8, 71. 

Pnirhmiiis, ■97. 

hilhiiini»|«lc<i, 15. 

I^lhia, IcgioiH withdrawn from, 35. 

ratlhiui war, i6. 

l>Miini, 101. 

Paler fvtn'ar, 38, 88, 

IVllRU, 79. 

Paulina, sister of Hidrian and wife of 

Sctvinmi-i. 6. 173. 
r«iilu^.Julii».i7S. a76- 
Vn.i«„ns7i.77,83,84, 141, 178- 
/•„....„=./,.. 374. 
l'cli)|Kinncsiwi, 77, 83. 
I'clu^iuMt, 47, 118, 119. 
Peraea, 117. 

PenKriniu rrotcni, 390 sg. 
P«^*, 103. 
rerffamnm, 74, 95. 
f(r|ieioBl IWicI, m6, aa?. 
rcira, 16, j;. 
relrnnim Arbiter, aS5. 
I^nwnann, 70, (65, (66, 1691 visit 

of. to Rome. 166. 
riHivlis loa. 
riiidia.1, 97, 376. 
niiladclphis, loo. 
rhiloofllThliit. ^9. 
I^lIo, Iletcnniiu, 347, 178. 
rhi1oMl««Io«. 74. 
riiilcMophy, aSa <■/. 
niiinslratiia, Flitvius, 73, ajS, a6i, 167, 

rhlri^n of Trallen, 148, 178. 
ttincis, 77, 84, 94. 
niotiu*. 248, a63, aSo. 
t1ir)i:ii(, 68. 

I, loa. 

Tola, 3 a, 

I'olemon of Stnyma, lOO, 140, 338,' 

339, 364, 367, 36S ; uofriendlj to 

Favoiinui, 364. 

r.'i'or,.,,;-,!, 376. 

I'oiycietus, I, 97, 348. 

Pompeiopotii, t4a 

I'ompc)', 47. 

Pomponiuii Seitui, I37. 

Pons AeItii-1. 6a. 

I'oniifex Afaximut, 33t. 

I'oMu^ 69, 

I'liiphyry. iisc<l 'va Mchitedure, 341. 

lWlroilu.cinm.-irl>lc. 343. 

PeliitO! fatria, ajl. 

Irihuaicia, 41, 179. 
l\tufeclui, 198. 

— fratlorit, 323. 

— vthicelemiH, xa. 

Praenette, villa of Hadrian at, 37a 

rraetorian guaid, 119. 

Praxiteles, 84, 97. 349- 

riiicu«, Javolenns, ai8. 

I'riieu*, ao. 

Priscos, Neralias, 113, ai8. 

PrcciiiaiM 11,1 lutam gmiium, tS. 

— a TKlieiiihiit, 19S. 233, 334. 

— a liMIn, 11 j, it^. 

— ah rpi'lnlii, 331, '34. 

I'mvinccs, numtier of, al Iladrian'l 
Bcconion, 195 SttiBlorinl and Im- 
perial, I9Si Govcmmenl of, I9S *f- 

Provincial diets, aoi. 

Ptolemy, Claudius, cencrapher, 251, 

Phidin, 68, toi. 

nso, II. 

Hsistralus, 361. 

IMiny the elder, 46, 7a, 191. 

Pliny the ynunger, 1 1, 43. I37> 303 ; hb 

Pantgyrini!, vs. 
rioiln*, 8, 10, 14, 31, 63. 64. 
' Plolinut, >fl3. 
Plutarch, la, 7a. 84, 143 t^., 365, 387, 
3'3-3tSi '^rknd orFaTorinuB, 345. 

, 34 ; death of. 

Puhliui Celsos, 14, : 

Puleoli, 366. 

Qnadialus, a pupil of the apostle*, 


Quaestorship, 197, 
Qninlilian, 13, 64, >5J, ijg. 
Quintilius Condtaniu, 371. 
Qaintilim Maximna, 371. 



Raetia, 30, 58, $9- 

Ramaseum, 133. 

Rasparasanus, King of the Roxolani, 


Regilla, Appia Annia, 271. 

Relievo, historical art of, 344. 

Religion, su Christianity. 
'' Remission of debt by Hadrian, 38-40 ; 
represented in relievo, 345. 

Responsa prudentutHy 327. 

Rhammius Martialis, 136. 
' Rhetoricians, Schools of, 253 sq. 
'■' Rhodes, 75. 

Roads built by Hadrian, 355, 356; 
from Beneventum to Aeclanum, 356 ; 
to Myus Hormus, 357 ; over the 
Isthmus, 365 ; via Cassia^ 366 ; via 
Augusta^ 366. 

Roemetalces, son of Cotys, 170. 

Roman empire, 191 sg,i Aristides* 
panegyric on, Tertullian's opinion of, 
population and extent, its civiliza- 
tion, its languages, its division into 
£. and W., art, religion, philosophy 
derived from E., 191-194; military 
forces of, trade and commerce in, 
195, 196. 

Rome, 211 sg. 

Rosso afUicOy 348. 

Roxolani, expedition against, 31, 32. 

Rufus, Caninius, 11. 

Rusticus, Q. Junius, 40. 

Rutilianus, 298, 299. 

Sabina, 10, 38, 49, 54, 69, 88, 129, 174, 

17s, 381. 
Sabinus, L. Vibius, 10. 

Sabinus, T. Pontius, 60. 

Sabinus, 266. 

Salamis in Cyprus destroyed, 18. 

Salinator, Cn. Pedanius Fuscus, 40, 

173. 177. 
Samosata, 69. 

Samothrace, 71. 

Santiponte, su Italica. 

Sardis, 61, 95, 100, loi, 142. 

Sarmatians, 13, 31. 

Sarmizegetusa, 33. 

Satala, 69, 70. 

Satuminus, 331. 

Scaurus, 235, 252. 

Scopas, 349. 

Scopelianus, 266, 268. 

Sculpture, Ideal in the age of Hadrian, 
its cosmopolitan character, repetition 
of ancient masterpieces, description 
of, in the Tiburtinum, 346, 347, 348 ; 
in the temple of Ephesus, 99. 

Sebastopolis, 14a 

Secundus, P. Metilius, 90. 

Seleucia on the Tigris, 17. 

Seleucus Nicator, 105. 

Selinus (Selinti), 20, 21, 22, 29. 

Senate, 196 jy., 219 j^. 

Setuiius cotisuUum Claudianum^ 230. 

Senatorial provinces, 78. 

Seneca, 64, 254, 283. 

Senedo, C. Sossius, ii, 243. 

Senecio, S. Attius, 152. 

Septa, 375. 376. 

Serapeum, 238. 

Servianus, L. Julius Ursus, 6, 173 ; 
legate of Upper Germany, 9 ; consul 
third time, 42 ; Hadrian's letter to, 

Sestus, 71, 14a 

Severianus, 297. 

Severus, Alexander, 81, 180, 222, 321 ; 
refused to admit freedmen to the 
equestrian order, 217 ; favourably 
disposed towards Christianity, 329; 
aqueduct at Tyrrhachium restored by 
him, 356. 

Severus, L. Catilius, 30, 182. 

Severus, Julius, 152, 157. 

Severus, Tiberius Julius, 152, 157. 

Severus, Septimius, 62, 89, 106, 32 X ; 
exempts the provinces from the 
burden of the im|)erial post, 199. 

Sextius, Q., 283. 

Sextus, philosopher, 23$. 

Sicily, 86. 

Sicyon, 85. 

Side, 102. 

Sidon, 107. 

Sigia, su Alexandria Troas. 

Silius Italicus, 1 1. 

Similis, Sulpicius, 29, 42, 222. 



Simon, son of Giore, 149. 

Sinope, colony of Miletus, 169. 

Slavery, 204. 

Smymn, 47, 95, 99, lOO, 140; scat of 

!u>|>|iistry, 100; gymnasium al, built 

by Hadrian, 355-360; coins of, with 

Antinoiis, 309. 
Sophists, (trcck, great builders, 355. 
SoraiMis, 274. 
Sorrento, 366. 
Sosius !*apus, 14. 
5>osus of Pergamum, Roman copy of 

mosaic, 343. 
S}xiin, 6, 8, 64. 
Sparta, 77, 78, 79, 83, 94- 
Spartianus, 2, 30, 35, 57, 88, 234, 249, 

and passim. 
Spira (Speier), 55. 
Spurinna, II. 
Stadia at Delphi, 365. 
Statins, 1 1. 
Statues in honour of Hadrian, 15, 33, 

65, 82, 84. 
— Trajan, 78. 
Stoicism, 282 jy. 
Stones, precious, 341. 
Stralx>, 46, 73, 86. 

Stratonicea restored by Hadrian, 359. 
Suetonius Pautinus, 60. 
Suetonius Tranquillus, li, 42, 49, 63, 

224, 249. 
Suidas, 247. 
SumrtauHh'a^ 345. 
Sura, L. Licinius, 10; death of, 14. 
Syracuse, 86. 
Syria, 103 sq.^ 356. 

Tacitus,Comelius,55 ; his Germania^ 11. 

Talmud, 26, 28. 

Tarrnrina, 35. 

Tarraro, 64, 65, 20I. 

Tarsus, coins of, with Antinotts, 309. 

Tauromcnium, 86. 

Taunis of Tyre, 268, 282. 

Teano, 366. 

Tclcphus of iVrgamum, 235, 252. 

Telmcssus, 1 02. 

Temples: — 

Olympian Zeus, 36 1 xf. 

Divi Trajani, 375. 

Diana and Antinous at Lanuvium, 

Zeus Panhellcnius and Hera at 
Athens, 360. 

Rome and Venus, 376 sq. 

Genius of Rome at Ephesus, 359. 

Apollo at Megnra, 364, at Xanthus, 
102, at Alne, 365. 

Poseidon Hippius rcno\'atcd by 
Hadrian, 365. 

Antinous at Mantinea built by 
Hadrian, 365. 

Bona Dea, 376. 

deified Augustus at Tarraco, 64, 


Peace, 379. 

Dea Cupra, 366. 

Genius of Rome and Augustus, 79. 

Caesar and Augustus, 79. 

Octavia, 84. 
Tertullian, 46, 192. 
Thasos, 14a 

Theagenes of Patrae, 292. 
Thebes, 84. 
Thebes in Egypt, 174. 
Theodotus, sophist, 273. 
Theon, 282. 
Thermae, 86. 
Thespiae, 84. 
Thessaly, 84, 85. 
Thevcste, military road to, 90. 
Thrace governed by procurator, 85, 

I97» 35^- 
Thyatira, lOI. 

Tiberius, emperor, 38, 69, 78, 219. 

Tiburtinum, 366 sq.\ description of, by 
Pope Pius H., 370. 

Timticrates, 282. 

Tineius Rufus, 113, 147, 153. 

Tomi, 31. 

Torlonia Museum, 346, 348. 

Toulouse, 54. 

Trechonitis, 28, 104. 

Trajan emperor, 6, 47, 60, 69, 78 ; 
adoption, consular legate of Upper 
Germany, emperor, 9 ; return to 
Rome, 10; first and second Dacimn 
campaign, 12, 13; conquests, 14; 



Parthian war, leaves Italy for the 
East, i6 ; reaches Persian Gulf, 17 ; 
homeward journey and illness, 20; 
his adoption of Hadrian and death, 
21 ; ashes burned, 37 ; column of, 15, 

19. 375. 
Tralles, 68, loi. 

Trapezus (Trebizond), 47, 167, 168, 

Treves, 54. 

Tribufticia potestas^ 4 x . 

Tributum capitis ^ 197. 

Troas, aqueduct built by Herod. Att. 

at, 355. 
Troesmis, 31. 

Turbo, Q. Marcius, 68, 222; crushes 
rebellion of Jews, 18 ; sent to 
Mauretania, 27 ; summoned to Dacia, 
32 ; prefect, 42. 

Tumu Severin, 33. 

Tyana, 69; coins of, with Antinous, 

Tyras, colony of Miletus, 31. 

Tyrants, the thirty, 321. 

Tyre, 107. 

Ulpia Trajana (Sarmizegetusa), 33. 
Urbicius Q. Lollius, 152. 

Valens, legate of leg. xv., x66. 
Valens, Abumus, 228. 
Valentinus, 331. 
Valerius Asiaticus, 182. 

Vatican Museum, 346, 348. 

Vectigiil, 197. 

Verus, Lucius Commod us (Cacsar),callcd 

Aelius Verus, 34, 175, 176, 178 sq. 
Verus, Lucius, son of L. Commodus 

or Aelius Verus, 34, 175, 181. 
Verus, Annius, father of Marcus 

Aurelius, 181. 
Verus, M. Annius, see Marcus Aurelius. 
Verus, Vindius, 228. 
Vespasian emperor, 6, 64, 76, 78, 102, 

219, 256, 282. 
Vestinus, L. Julius, 224 note, 239, 252. 
Victor, sex. Aurelius, 174, 249. 
Villa of Hadrian, see Tiburtinum. 
Vindobona (Vienna), $9. 
Vitiges, 379. 
Vaconius, 275. 
Vologeses, 165. 

Wall of Hadrian, 61, 62. 

Xenophon, Commander of Roman 

troops against the Alani, 166. 
Xenophon, 47. 

Xanlhus, oracle of Apollo at, X02, 302. 
Xiphilinus, 2, 50, 249. 

2Seno, the stoic, 283, 286. 
Zenobia, iia 
Zenodorus, 378. 
Zeuxis, 97. 


P. 9, I. 4, For • Imperial law suits' read * Prosecutions for treason.' 

P. la, 1. 6 from bottom, For ' from whom he had refused to take the tribute 
accepted' read 'to whom he had refused the subsidy granted.' 

P. 19, third footnote, For ' (propraetorian legate) ' read ' (inter praetorios allectus). 

P. 34, 1. 8, For ' consuls * read ' consulars.' 

P. 65, 1. 3 from bottom, For ' festivals' read ' thanksgivings.' 

P. 10 1, 1. 6, For Neocoria* read ' Neocomte.' 

P. 105, 1. la. For * of Oronles ' read ' in the Orontes.' 

P. 161, I. I, For ' The Aelia established ' read * The new Aelia determined.' 

P. 193. 11. 5-ia should read. "The history of the peoples round the basin of the 
Mediterranean Sea was written in the creation of many forms of States. 
All were embraced in the empire of Rome, and as the Romans, in their 
insatinblc desire for nggrandis<nncnt, extended the lx>rders of their SUitc in 
cviT widening circles to include Germans, Uritons, Slavs and Aral)S, they 
thus erected bulwarks which protected these old Mediterranean lands against 
Ixtrbaric invasion." 

P. 195, 1. 9, For 'established' read 'regulated.' 

P. 197, 1. ao. For * increased power' read * high authority.* 

1. a8. For * rulers * read * officials.' 
P. aoi, 1. 13, For * spirit ' read 'genius.' 
P. ao3. 1. 10, For ' Latinum ' read * Latit' 
P. an. 1, 4, For 'league' read 'community.' 
P. 933. 1. 39. For ' board of secretaries ' read * head of the secretariat.' 

Last line. For * of the courts' read * from officials.* 

P. 924. 1. 4 from bottom. For 'furnish' read 'institute.' 

P. a36. 11. a-i. For ' the philosophic maxims which it established on its basis * read 
' the philosophic principles which it applied to legal relations generally.' 

P. aa7, 1. 13. For 'jurisdictions* read ' courts.* 

1. ao. For ' make theses of law ' read ' lay down legal maxims.' 

P. 2^, 11 1-4. The sentence should run * Under the Antonines, when the great 
catnlof^ne of roads was made, gecMrraphy was elevated by the genius of 
Claudius Ptoleniaeus to the rank 01 a mathematical science together with 
astronomy and chronology. 

P. a59, 1. 9. For ' was a free art of polite letters and of literature ' read ' retained its 
title to be called a fine art of polite letters and was in consequence productive.' 

P. a6i. 1. 18. For ' fiAy-six years of its life after the death of Polemon * read ' death 
of Polemon at the age of fifty-six.' 

P. 370, 1. 18, For ' less * read ' more.' 

P. 971. 1. 7 from bottom. For ' Quintilians' read * Quintilii.* 

P. 385. last two lines, For ' The Aesthesis ' read ' Sensation ' : For ' the Hormesis 
read 'passion.' 

P. a87. 1. a8, For ' paradox' read 'contradiction.' 

P. 306. L a6 and in second footnote. For ' Emperor- worship' read 'Caesar-worship.' 

1. 4 from bottom. For ' Neocoria ' read ' Neocorate.' 
P* 311* 1. 3. For *|)ricsthood belonging to' read 'guild of worshippers of.' 

1. 5, For * priesthood ' read * similar guild.' _ ^ / 

P. 333. 1. a8. For 'a particularly * read 'everywhere.' ^ / V> 

P. 334. 1. 3. For 'displayed' read * illustrated.* I A 

P. 350. 1. 31, For 'by Mondragone' read'of Mondragone.' 
P. 35a. 1. 35, For 'by Mondragone' read 'of Mondragone.' 

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